Reflections on Four Decades in Central BankingJack GuynnPresident and Chief Executive OfficerFederal Reserve Bank of AtlantaKiwanis Club of AtlantaLoudermilk CenterAtlanta, Ga.August 22, 2006Thank you for the nice introduction. But let me say that it feels strange to hear you describe my upcoming retirement. I guess I’m still coping with the reality that my 42-year tenure at the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta is about to end.When I graduated from Virginia Tech back in the mid 1960s, I surprised my family and friends by taking a job with the Atlanta Fed. Before I left, some of my classmates responded with a gag gift: a green eyeshade, like one of those visors tellers used to wear in old movies like “It’s a Wonderful Life.”Many of my college friends were going into more glamorous fields such as aerospace or computer design. And in their minds, I was condemned to life in a stodgy, backwater industry. In that era it was thought you would choose one place to work and stay for your entire career.But, as it turned out, the financial services industry and the U.S. economy went through a revolution. Technology, competition, and a growing demand for information were catalysts for dramatic change. Certainly, this transformation made my career more interesting, and I expect even more change ahead.So, you might ask, “What’s the big deal?” Well, I believe that banking’s shift from a low-tech field without competition into a dynamic industry had a profound impact on our personal and business lives and is a major part of our nation’s economic success. In describing these changes today, I’d also like to point to some potential concerns for the next generation of policymakers.Changing how money is usedLet me begin by talking briefly about what bankers call their “back office operations”—the payment systems that most people take for granted. In the 1960s, if you peeked inside the Fed or most commercial banks, you would have seen endless bundles of checks and cash being counted and sorted by hand. As you can imagine, the process was inefficient.Often, it took three to five days or longer for a check to clear. During the high interest rate 1970s, folks would use this lag to their advantage through a practice we called “remote disbursement.”For instance, oil companies were notorious for writing big checks to pay for Gulf of Mexico oilfield leases, and they used checks drawn on small banks in remote places such as North Dakota. With interest rates at 15 percent, each day’s delay in payment for a $50 million check was worth about $20,000. So receivers of these large checks sometimes would buy a plane ticket for a courier to physically take the piece of paper across the country to speed collection.As more powerful technology became available we got busy and worked to improve the process. Not long after I started at the Fed, we realized that one computer-driven check sorter could do the work of 40 or 50 manual processors. Automated check processing became a classic application for emerging computer technology. Also, instead of relying solely on trucks, the Fed began to charter airplanes to carry checks long distances overnight.Computers that made check processing more efficient also enabled new electronic payment systems such as the automated clearinghouse, which facilitates transactions like direct deposit of payroll checks. During that period, credit cards also became more popular. With new methods of payment, the whiz kids of the banking industry began to think that a checkless—even a cashless—society was imminent.But it was not to be—at least not then. By speeding the collection of paper checks, the Fed may have delayed conversion to electronics. Also, regulations allowed banks to demand presentment of a paper check for payment, which also discouraged change. So many banks and their customers did not enthusiastically embrace new technology. In 2000 Americans were still writing 42 billion checks. And with the proliferation of automated teller machines, banks continued to circulate more—not less—cash.Finally, a few years ago, the volume of check payments began to decline about 4 percent per year—while electronic payments volume started to increase at double-digit rates. This transition continues as debit cards become more popular and businesses convert more and more check payments to electronic entries at the point of sale. You may have seen some of those new types of electronic conversions on your own bank statement.Looking ahead, I believe there will always be a market for cash and checks. But today’s kids who are now growing up on video games no doubt will prefer the convenience and speed of electronic payments. As money changes hands in new and faster ways, we face an evolving risk of fraud and identity theft. So consumers must be vigilant in managing their accounts. And financial institutions must ensure that their payment systems operate on a solid foundation of trust, which is at the heart of a strong financial system.The challenge of competition in bankingTechnology has changed not only payment, but also the whole financial system and U.S. economy. Just think of the impact of the Internet and the advance of cellular and digital communications. This recent progress has helped businesses to work more efficiently and allowed emerging economies around the world to develop more quickly than we ever imagined. Globalization, by the way, has lessened the cost of many imported goods and boosted demand for U.S.-produced goods and services.Along with technology, banking also has been transformed by competition. When I joined the Fed in the 1960s, banks were subject to rigid controls imposed by the states and Congress during the Great Depression. The idea was to maintain financial stability by restricting competition—both geographically and along product lines.There were strict limits on the interest banks could pay on savings deposits, and banks could not pay interest on transaction accounts. These restrictions were thought to prevent ruinous interest rate competition. The task of managing a bank balance sheet was largely a matter of following supervisory guidelines—green eye shade kind of work.Most states limited banks’ ability to branch outside their home county. And in some places branching was entirely prohibited. With near monopoly power in their respective neighborhoods, banks had little incentive to grow or innovate. Hence, the cliché about bankers’ hours of 3-6-3—take in money from savings accounts at 3 percent, lend it out at 6 percent, and hit the golf course by 3 o’clock.In the 1980s, with high and rising inflation, the old regulatory framework began to unravel. Investment banks posed an early threat to the banking deposit franchise with the introduction of money market accounts, which some of you may remember.To compete, banks issued large denomination certificates of deposit, which were not subject to interest rate ceilings, thus significantly increasing their costs. As restrictions on interest payments were lifted, more and more banks and thrifts got into trouble. We all remember the crisis in the savings and loan industry, which resulted in a bailout that was estimated to cost $175 billion.The most difficult year in banking was 1988 when more than 200 banks failed. Earlier in that decade, I led our bank’s supervision function. I remember setting up what we called “the war room” at the Atlanta Fed. This was a place to deal with the complex closure of a family of banks in Tennessee. In the final days of that crisis, we worked around the clock to find a buyer for the largest of these banks—unsuccessfully, it turned out. We ended up just closing the bank and hoping this failure wouldn’t lead to an old-fashioned bank panic.The number of bank failures declined in the 1990s and has stayed low. Meanwhile, Congress continued to reform the regulatory framework. In turn, we saw the rise of well-capitalized megabanks leveraging technology to cut costs and offering diverse and sometimes complex new products in competition with investment banks and insurance companies. Now, it’s often hard to tell the difference between banks and nonbanks.This competitive fray directly benefits today’s consumers and businesses, who enjoy lower-cost financial services, more choices and better access to capital. The growth of mutual funds has led to the rise of a new class of investors. Computers unleashed powerful innovations in credit scoring, and, with those new systems, some borrowers can qualify for a loan in minutes, if not seconds. Innovations in credit analysis and market segmentation have helped millions of Americans become homeowners.If you want to buy a car, you can still get an old-fashioned two-year loan, but today you can also choose to make payments over eight or even 10 years. Along with traditional fixed-rate mortgages, we now have adjustable rate mortgages, interest-only mortgages, reverse amortization mortgages, and more. And in today’s financial supermarket, we also can find home equity loans, mutual funds, hedge funds and countless other ways to borrow or invest. With advances in information technology and mathematical modeling, today’s financial markets are better than ever at allocating risk to those with the greatest appetite for it.Is all of this competition a good thing? All in all, I’d say the answer is yes. However, sometimes I fret about some of the implications of our global connectedness and the sheer size of some financial institutions and their new products. And I worry that some homeowners don’t really understand their new and not-yet-fully-tested mortgages.Overall, however, I believe our economy is much stronger and more resilient today because of the creative adjustments our financial sector has made in response to the sometimes painful challenges of competition.The economy in transitionWhat are the lessons of technology, innovation and competition for our economy? During the mid-1960s, one-third of the jobs in the United States were in manufacturing, and during the decades after World War II, there was not much global competition. Now, only one in nine U.S. jobs is in manufacturing, and most of the new factory jobs require technical skills. The fastest growing fields—financial services included—depend on knowledge, not physical labor.We’ve all heard the sometimes bitter debate on outsourcing and immigration. However, our ports and logistics facilities overflow with low-cost goods from overseas. Imports and exports—added up—are now equivalent to about one-fourth of gross domestic product. That figure 40 years ago was about 10 percent. Today’s economy is truly global.We’re all aware of our current preoccupation with lost jobs to other parts of the world, both in manufacturing and the services sector. But looking at the data, you’ll see three important facts. First, the majority of jobs lost involve relatively low-skilled, low-productivity work in fields like apparel production and call centers. Second, with respect to manufacturing, while it’s true there are fewer factory jobs as a proportion of total U.S. employment, the U.S. share of the value of world manufacturing output has remained stable, reflecting increases in worker productivity. Third, while it’s true that certain service-oriented jobs have moved to other countries, we still export more services to the rest of the world than we import from others.What’s the bottom line of these changes in our economy? The march of globalization is relentless, and businesses will have to keep spending more on technology to improve productivity. Technology allows consumers and businesses to compare prices from vendors around the world and find new and less expensive sources. And innovations in supply-chain management reduce the inventory swings that used to be commonplace in our economy, helping to dampen the contribution of inventory adjustments to economic cycles.Painful lessons in monetary policyGood economic outcomes depend on good monetary policy, where I’ve spent the past 10 years of my career. Recent experience in this area offers several other lessons.In the 1960s, economic growth was strong in part because of the fiscal stimulus of tax cuts and increased military and social spending. The Fed’s policy of leaning against inflationary pressures attracted little attention. But in the 1970s, policymakers tried to insulate the economy from relative price movements in one important commodity—oil. The big mistake in this policy was the failure to recognize that controlling inflation was a necessary first requirement for sustaining long-term growth.After the 1970s oil price shocks, it became fashionable to embrace the false notion that one could improve economic outcomes by trading a bit of inflation for growth. As we should now know, a bit of inflation can get out of hand quickly, especially when consumers and businesses expect more price increases, waste time and effort trying to beat inflation, and then rush to spend more money in a vicious inflationary cycle. The consequences of high inflation were and remain economically poisonous: increased uncertainty and risk, the added incentive to consume instead of invest, cost of living adjustments, and other marketplace distortions.During the early 1980s, Fed Chairman Paul Volcker and his Fed colleagues broke the back of high inflation by raising interest rates well into double digits. The costs were huge—both in economic and human terms. The U.S. economy endured two painful recessions. And along with the run-up in bank failures that I just mentioned, entire industries such as homebuilding collapsed. Because of our tough policy, the Fed was suddenly thrust into the public limelight.By 1996, when I became Atlanta Fed president and part of the Fed policymaking group, inflation expectations were, once again, under control. About that time, the federal budget deficits were reined in. With the fortuitous convergence of low inflation and rapid growth, we enjoyed the longest economic expansion in U.S. history. In hindsight, I may have been naïve, but I thought that Americans had truly learned the value of responsible fiscal and monetary policy working in tandem to foster economic growth for the long-term.The last decade, under the leadership of former Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan, also brought about major changes in how the Federal Reserve communicates our monetary policy actions and thinking. This transparency was and still is consistent with greater public scrutiny of the Fed and parallels the increase of financial information in the private sector that is central to today’s market-based approach to regulation.As amazing as it may sound today, until 1994, there was no announcement about the direction of monetary policy—not even after Federal Open Market Committee meetings. Market participants had to divine whether or not rates had changed by looking at conditions in money markets. This “quiet” (or silent) approach to communications gave rise to a cottage industry of “Fed watchers” who were devoted to interpreting our policy actions and likely policy direction.Now, after each FOMC meeting, we not only announce our action but also provide brief comments on the economy and potential risks to the outlook. For the last three years, we have even tried to signal the likely path of policy—in my view, an approach that’s worked well during this particular period.Our new Fed Chairman, Ben Bernanke, has talked about the need to make our policy goals even clearer. Minutes of our recent FOMC meetings indicate that the Fed is studying and debating the limits to what we should say about the outlook and possible future policy actions. My Fed colleagues and I have found that market reactions to our Fed comments can be surprising. And, in an environment of seemingly endless data reports, it’s sometimes hard in the short run to distinguish meaningful economic signals from noise.This thinking about transparency will evolve. And I expect the Fed will keep trying new and different ways to communicate important views and actions, including perhaps establishing targets for acceptable levels of inflation. Clearly, more central bank communications are helpful, but there is ample room to debate how to reflect the range of views and uncertainties that are inherent in the policymaking process.An interconnected worldWhile I’ve tried to make the case that our financial system and economy have gone through revolutionary changes in the past 40 years, I want to leave you with the notion that things will keep getting more complex and more interesting.From a payments perspective, our vision of an efficient, predominately electronic system is in sight. There will be fewer and bigger banks, and competition will keep altering our financial marketplace. We will all face more potential risks and rewards as the selection of financial products continues to multiply.Our financial system and our economy will continue to become more interconnected. Every moment of every day, vast sums of money zip around the world. Nine years ago a financial panic in Asia quickly led to financial market repercussions around the world. And with the emergence of China and India and increasing U.S. indebtedness, the global flow of funds will continue to grow, and our economy will depend more and more on events and decisions that occur outside our national borders.Monetary policymakers must continue to account for all of these changes and others we can’t envision as technology advances and shocks occur. We’ve been reminded over and over how adaptable and resilient our U.S. financial system and economy are, and no doubt we’ll be tested again. I’m leaving the FOMC confident in the Fed’s commitment to keep inflation at bay. I’m sure future policymakers will remember the lessons we learned in the past 40 years about what happens when you start down the slippery slope of trading inflation for growth.I wish my college buddies who gave me the green eye shade were here with us today. Contrary to what they might have expected, my experience as a central banker has been fascinating and, at times, downright exciting.For a long time, I’ve enjoyed an up close and personal view on banking and the economy, and pretty soon I’ll be watching from the bleachers. Looking ahead to the next four decades, I think we all have good reason to expect our financial system and our economy will remain strong and continue to be the envy of the rest of the world.
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사진
내년 의대 490명 더 뽑는다
[서울=뉴스핌] 황혜영 기자 = 2027학년도 의과대학 모집 정원이 3548명으로 늘면서 전년보다 490명이 증원된다. 이에 따라 의대 합격선 하락과 재수 이상 'N수생' 증가, 상위권 자연계 입시 재편 등 입시 지형 변화가 불가피할 것으로 보인다.
10일 열린 보건복지부의 보건의료정책심의위원회(보정심)에 따르면 2027학년도 의대 정원이 현행 3058명에서 490명 늘린 3548명으로 확정됐다. 2028·2029학년도에는 613명, 2030·2031학년도에는 813명씩 증원하기로 했다.
[서울=뉴스핌] 정일구 기자 = 정부가 2027∼2031학년도 의과대학 정원을 오늘 확정한다. 보건복지부는 10일 오후 보건의료정책심의위원회(보정심) 제7차 회의를 열고 의대 정원 규모를 논의한 뒤 브리핑을 진행해 2027∼2031학년도 의사인력 양성 규모와 교육현장 지원 방안을 발표할 예정이다. 사진은 이날 서울시내 의과대학 모습. 2026.02.10 mironj19@newspim.com
2027학년도 증원분 490명은 비서울권 32개 의대를 중심으로 모두 지역의사제 전형으로 선발되며 해당 지역 중·고교 이력 등을 갖춘 학생만 지원할 수 있는 구조다.
입시업계는 이번 정원 확대가 '지역의사제' 도입과 맞물려 여러 학년에 걸쳐 입시 전반을 흔들 것으로 보고 있다.
이번 증원은 현 고3부터 중학교 2학년까지 향후 5개 학년에 영향을 미칠 것으로 분석된다. 특히 의대 정원 확대에 따른 합격선 하락이 예상된다.
종로학원 분석에 따르면 2025학년도 의대 정원 확대로 합격선 컷이 약 0.3등급 낮아졌으며, 이번 증원도 최소 0.1등급가량 하락을 불러올 것으로 보인다. 당시 지역권 대학의 경우 내신 4.7등급대까지 합격선이 내려오기도 했다.
합격선 하락은 상위권 학생들의 '반수'와 'N수생' 증가로 이어질 가능성이 크다. 임성호 종로학원 대표는 "의대 문턱이 낮아질 것이란 기대가 생기면 최상위권은 물론 중위권대 학생까지도 재도전에 나설 가능성이 커진다"고 전망했다.
특히 2027학년도 입시가 현행 9등급제 내신·수능 체제의 마지막 해라는 점에서 이미 내신이 확정된 상위권 재학생들이 반수에 나설 가능성도 제기된다.
지역의사제 도입은 중·고교 진학 선택에도 적지 않은 영향을 미칠 것으로 보인다. 지역전형 대상 지역의 고교에 진학해야 지원 자격이 주어지기 때문에 서울·경인권 중학생 사이에서는 지방 또는 경기도 내 해당 지역 고교 진학을 고려하는 움직임이 예상된다.
또 일반 의대와 지역의사제 전형 간 합격선 차이도 발생할 것으로 관측된다. 지원 단계부터 일반 의대를 우선 선호하는 경향이 강해 동일 학생이 두 전형에 합격하더라도 일반 의대를 택할 가능성이 높아 지역의사제 전형의 합격선은 다소 낮게 형성되고 중도 탈락률도 상승할 수 있다는 전망이 나온다.
전형 구조 측면에서도 변화가 예상된다. 김병진 이투스교육평가연구소 소장은 "490명 증원 인원 전체가 일반 지원자에게 해당되지는 않으며 지역인재전형과 일반전형으로 나눠 보면 실제 전국 지원자에게 영향을 주는 증원 규모는 약 200명 수준일 것"이라고 분석했다.
또 "최근 3년간 입시에서 모집 인원 변동에 가장 민감하게 반응한 전형은 수시 교과전형, 특히 지역인재전형이었다"며 "이번 증원에서도 교과 중심 지역인재전형의 모집 인원 증가 폭이 전체 입시 흐름을 결정할 것"이라고 전망했다.
hyeng0@newspim.com
2026-02-10 19:32
사진
알파벳 '100년물' 채권에 뭉칫돈
[뉴욕=뉴스핌] 김민정 특파원 = 인공지능(AI) 투자를 위한 실탄 확보에 나선 구글의 모기업 알파벳이 발행한 '100년 만기' 채권이 시장에서 뜨거운 반응을 얻었다. 100년 뒤에나 원금을 돌려받는 초장기 채권임에도 불구하고, 알파벳의 재무 건전성과 AI 패권에 대한 투자자들의 신뢰가 확인됐다는 평가다.
10일(현지시간) 블룸버그통신은 소식통을 인용해 알파벳이 영국 파운드화로 발행한 8억5000만 파운드(약 1조6900억 원) 규모의 100년 만기 채권에 무려 57억5000만 파운드의 매수 주문이 몰렸다고 보도했다. 이날 알파벳은 3년물부터 100년물까지 총 5개 트랜치(만기 구조)로 채권을 발행했는데, 그중 100년물이 가장 큰 인기를 끌었다.
알파벳은 올해 자본지출(CAPEX) 규모를 1850억 달러로 잡고 AI 지배력 강화를 위한 공격적인 행보를 이어가고 있다. 이를 위해 전날 미국 시장에서도 200억 달러 규모의 회사채 발행을 성공적으로 마쳤다. 강력한 수요 덕분에 발행 금리는 당초 예상보다 낮게 책정됐다. 또한 스위스 프랑 채권 시장에서도 3년에서 25년 만기 사이의 5개 트랜치 발행을 계획하며 전방위적인 자금 조달에 나섰다.
100년 만기 채권은 국가나 기업의 신용도가 극도로 높지 않으면 발행하기 어려운 '희귀 아이템'이다. 기술 기업 중에서는 닷컴버블 당시 IBM과 1997년 모토롤라가 발행한 사례가 있으며, 그 외에는 코카콜라, 월트디즈니, 노퍽서던 등 전통적인 우량 기업들이 발행한 바 있다. 기술 기업이 100년물을 발행한 것은 모토롤라 이후 약 30년 만이다.
미국 캘리포니아주 마운틴뷰의 구글.[사진=로이터 뉴스핌] 2026.02.11 mj72284@newspim.com
◆ "알파벳엔 '신의 한 수', 투자자에겐 '미묘한 문제'"
전문가들은 이번 초장기채 발행이 알파벳 입장에서는 매우 합리적인 전략이라고 입을 모은다. 얼렌 캐피털 매니지먼트의 브루노 슈넬러 매니징 파트너는 "이번 채권 발행은 알파벳 입장에서 영리한 부채 관리"라며 "현재 금리 수준이 합리적이고 인플레이션이 장기 목표치 근처에서 유지된다면 알파벳과 같은 기업에 초장기 조달은 매우 타당한 선택"이라고 평가했다.
그러면서 "알파벳의 견고한 재무제표와 현금 창출 능력, 시장 접근성을 고려할 때 100년 만기 채권을 신뢰성 있게 발행할 수 있는 기업은 전 세계에 몇 안 된다"고 강조했다.
하지만 투자자 입장에서는 신중해야 한다는 지적도 나온다. 초장기채는 금리 변화에 따른 가격 변동성(듀레이션 리스크)이 매우 크기 때문이다.
HSBC은행의 이송진 유럽·미국 크레딧 전략가는 "AI 산업 자체는 100년 뒤에도 존재하겠지만, 생태계가 5년 뒤에 어떤 모습일지조차 예측하기 어렵다"며 "기업 간 상대적인 서열은 언제든 뒤바뀔 수 있다"고 꼬집었다.
실제로 금리 상승기에는 초장기채의 가격이 급락할 위험이 있다. 지난 2020년 오스트리아가 표면금리 0.85%로 발행한 100년 만기 국채는 이후 금리가 오르면서 현재 액면가의 30%도 안 되는 가격에 거래되고 있다. 이를 두고 슈넬러 파트너 역시 "투자자 입장에서 이 채권의 매력은 훨씬 미묘하고 복잡한 문제"라고 했다.
mj72284@newspim.com
2026-02-11 01:35












