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※ 번역할 언어 선택

Chairman Ben S. Bernanke
At the ACCIÓN Texas Summit on Microfinance in the United States, San Antonio, Texas
November 6, 2007

Microfinance in the United States

Last month I had the pleasure of meeting with someone very well known to this audience but not so well known to Americans generally: Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Perhaps more than any other individual, Dr. Yunus inspired the movement that has become known as microfinance. In 1976, Dr. Yunus founded the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, which became one of the pioneers of the concept of offering small loans to people deemed too poor or insufficiently creditworthy to qualify for traditional bank loans.

The organization and the larger movement it helped spawn have financed the entrepreneurial aspirations of many thousands of people. The great majority of those who have benefited from Grameen Bank loans have been women, particularly poor rural women. Microfinance has offered borrowers, in Dr. Yunus's words, "a fair chance to unleash their energy and creativity" (Yunus, 2006). His innovative thinking and dedication to poverty relief through the extension of credit were honored in 2006 by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. And the movement itself was recognized when the United Nations declared 2005 to be the International Year of Microcredit.1

The microfinance, or microcredit, movement has spread throughout the world--to other parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and, more recently, to the United States. Although the social and economic contexts differ widely across countries, the fundamental purpose of microfinance programs remains the same: to offer small loans and other financial services to low-income people to help them increase their incomes through entrepreneurship and self-employment.

Acción Texas has been an exemplar of the movement in the United States. I am very pleased to speak at your summit meeting today for many reasons, not the least of which is the opportunity to visit again with Janie Barrera, the president of Acción Texas. I had the pleasure of working with Janie when she was a member of the Federal Reserve Board's Consumer Advisory Council, which has been an invaluable resource for the Board over the years on all aspects of consumer protection regulation and community development initiatives. Soon after I became a member of the Board in 2002, Janie collaborated with the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas to invite me and one of my fellow Board members, Susan Bies, to Brownsville, Texas. We toured local housing and community development projects and visited a small business that had gotten its start with the help of a microloan from Acción Texas.

In the remainder of my remarks I will speak about the development of the microfinance movement in the United States, putting it into an international context and discussing as well how it fits into the broader landscape of small business financing in this country. I will close with some thoughts on the challenges facing the U.S. movement as it continues to grow and mature.

The Development of the U.S. Microfinance Movement
Although the United States came relatively late to the microfinance movement, experimentation in the 1980s and 1990s laid the groundwork for the lively network of programs we see today. Acción has been at the forefront of the development of microfinance in the United States. Acción International began its microlending activities in Latin America in 1961 and established an affiliate organization in the United States, Acción USA, in 1991. Over the years, the U.S. Acción network has grown to become one of the country's largest microfinance providers. Since its founding, the U.S. Acción network has loaned $180 million to nearly 20,000 borrowers in thirty-five states.2

Of course, the operational details of U.S. microfinance programs differ significantly from those in overseas programs, but as I mentioned, they share similar goals and core values. As it does in developing countries, the microfinance movement in the United States seeks to expand economic opportunities for individuals and to foster community economic development by providing small loans and other business services to people who have been traditionally underserved by mainstream financial institutions. Loan features--including size, collateral requirements, and repayment terms--are typically more flexible than those of standard bank loans and are tailored to the needs of low- and moderate-income entrepreneurs.

In the United States, however, credit is only one part of the microfinance package. To a greater extent than overseas, microfinance programs here have expanded their offerings to deliver education, training, and various other services to nascent entrepreneurs. The goals of these supplemental activities are twofold: to improve the survival rate of the borrowers' start-up businesses and to mitigate credit risks for the lender. Several factors have driven the U.S. microfinance industry to diversify beyond simply lending. The complexity of the U.S. market for financial services requires greater financial management skills than are typically needed in developing countries. Here, even very small businesses are likely to have to deal with factors--such as taxes, licenses, and zoning laws--that can prove daunting hurdles to the inexperienced, aspiring business owner (Assanie and Virmani, 2006). By contrast, entrepreneurs in developing countries tend to operate in the informal sector, often out of the sight of regulators and tax authorities. Yet another difference between the U.S. context and that of the developing world is that, in the United States, aspiring entrepreneurs may have access to alternative sources of credit. Although they may not be able to obtain traditional small business loans, some can qualify for credit cards, home equity credit lines, or other alternatives to microcredit, whereas many of Grameen Bank's clients in Bangladesh, for example, have no such alternatives. Thus, while lending remains a very important part of U.S. microfinance programs, it is not as central to the broader mission as is typically the case in the developing world.

In helping local enterprises get under way, microfinance organizations help deliver the social benefits often associated with such businesses. For example, microentrepreneurs often involve their family members in their businesses, providing them valuable work experience; and extra income can confer important advantages on future generations, such as a chance for a better education. In addition, entrepreneurs may benefit communities and local economies in multiple ways, as this story of a woman who resides in one of Houston's poorest neighborhoods illustrates. Observing the lack of grocery stores in her community, she approached Acción Texas for funds to open a small organic food store and restaurant. With the help of the microloan, she created a viable business while also improving the options for food shopping in her community. She also provides various services, including neighborhood cooking classes that promote healthy eating habits.

The Place of Microfinance in the Landscape of Small Business Finance
Although comprehensive data on U.S. microfinance as a whole is scarce, many U.S. microfinance institutions measure and track their own performance. Acción Texas, for instance, reports that it loaned $42 million between 1994 and 2005. It estimates that those loans created 982 new jobs and generated about $78 million in economic activity (including earnings of about $25 million and local tax revenue of $4.5 million).3 Thus, despite gaps in the aggregate data, we can get some sense of how microfinance fits into the overall picture of small business finance.

Small businesses, generally defined as firms having fewer than 500 employees, have always played a vital role in the U.S. economy. Together, they employ more than half of private-sector workers and produce more than half of private-sector output (Board of Governors, 2007). The enterprises that microlenders finance are, of course, the very smallest of small businesses, but such firms make up a substantial share of the U.S. small business sector: 20 percent of small businesses in the United States have only one individual working in the firm, and 40 percent have two to four people working. Among these smaller firms, nearly 25 percent were founded or acquired by a new owner within the past four years.

Thus microenterprises not only provide a path to economic self-reliance for owner-entrepreneurs and benefit their local communities, but they are also important for the economy as a whole. There is some truth to the popular image of the successful firm which had its beginnings in someone's garage. Microenterprises can grow into small businesses, and small businesses can grow into large firms. Thus, microfinance plays the role of business incubator by compensating for the difficulties faced by very small firms and startups in obtaining credit from established financial intermediaries. These difficulties arise because lending to small businesses is typically considered riskier and more costly than lending to larger firms. Small businesses are often more susceptible to changes in the broader economy and generally have a much higher rate of failure than larger operations, although the survival rate of small firms increases with age (Knaup, 2005).Collateral may be used to help mitigate the risk to lenders, but the smallest and youngest firms often have few assets available to pledge. Besides being riskier, lending to small firms can be more expensive. It costs more per dollar loaned both to evaluate their credit applications and to monitor their ongoing performance. Many small businesses lack detailed balance sheets and other financial information used by underwriters in making lending decisions. And the small firm does not issue publicly traded debt or other securities whose values in the marketplace serve as a signal of its profit expectations.

Of course, despite these challenges, many smaller businesses do manage to obtain the credit and capital they need. Community banks, which rely on personal relationships and knowledge of the local market to assess credit risks, have long been a source of funding for small business. The development of more-sophisticated techniques in small business loan underwriting, including the use of credit scoring, has helped make small business lending more attractive to larger institutions as well (Cowan and Cowan, 2006). And research demonstrates that internal finance--that is, financing from the personal resources of owners, family, friends, and business associates--can help offset a lack of access to capital and is crucial to both new and established small enterprises (Rosen, 1998; Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen, 1994a,b). For some potential low-income entrepreneurs, however, none of these options is feasible. Microfinance was designed to bridge this gap.

The Future of Microfinance in the United States
As I have emphasized, microenterprise development programs in the United States are about much more than the extension of credit, though access to credit remains a central concern. Many programs take a holistic approach, offering interconnected services that complement lending activities and are targeted at entrepreneurs at each stage of business development. Services being offered include up-front business training; specialized technical assistance; mentoring programs; sector-specific advice and support; networking opportunities; coordinated sales and marketing programs; and the development of formal links with banks, local community colleges, and other institutions (Edgcomb and Klein, 2005). Of course, many start-up businesses don't make it; that's an inescapable aspect of the risks that small business entrepreneurs face. But the services provided by microenterprise programs offer borrowers a strong foundation in the fundamentals of running a business and give their businesses a better chance to grow and flourish in a competitive marketplace.

These services benefit the lender by making the borrowers more creditworthy, but providing these services to budding entrepreneurs is labor intensive and requires considerable expertise. Because microfinance clients are rarely able to pay for these services, the costs have generally been underwritten by philanthropic efforts and public-private partnerships. Whether U.S. microfinance programs can become financially self-sustaining is a key question for the future.

Currently, microenterprise organizations are experimenting with business models in the effort to promote self-sustainability. Some are trying to enhance their profitability by offering a wider array of fee-based services, such as check cashing and the facilitation of remittances. Others have turned to technology to reduce their costs. Acción USA, for instance, has reduced transaction, underwriting, and servicing costs through an Internet lending initiative.4 It has also reduced its training costs through online and distance-learning courses. Another web-based effort, MicroMentor, matches inexperienced entrepreneurs with more experienced businesspeople, thereby providing important assistance to new business owners at a relatively low cost (http://www.micromentor.org/ Leaving the Board). The Association for Enterprise Opportunity, the principal trade association for microenterprise programs, serves as a forum for learning about innovations, developments, and best practices in this field (http://www.microenterpriseworks.org/ Leaving the Board).

Another promising avenue for the future of microfinance is the development of more partnerships with mainstream banking institutions. Mainstream banks typically don't offer the array of supportive services found at microlenders. But by partnering with a microlender that incubates very small businesses, mainstream institutions can gain new customers when the borrowers "graduate" from the microfinance program and seek larger loans. And these new customers will be more creditworthy borrowers because of the early support they received from the microfinance organization. Acción Texas and other microfinance organizations have established several mutually beneficial partnerships with large banking institutions. Such partnerships serve as two-way referral systems between the microlenders and large banks and help break down the barriers between mainstream institutions and underserved entrepreneurs.

Conclusion
To sum up, I want to affirm the important role that microfinance plays in bringing the opportunity for entrepreneurship to people who otherwise might not have it. Although some businesses will inevitably fall by the wayside, those that flourish and grow are likely to have better management and better long-term prospects than they would have without the support of microenterprise programs. Successful microbusinesses provide jobs as well as valuable products and services to their communities. Not least important, they can provide economic independence and self-reliance for the owner-entrepreneurs. The full benefits of this movement are difficult to calculate. Indeed, one important challenge for the future is to find ways to better measure the impact and cost effectiveness of microfinance programs. What is clear is that the microfinance movement has grown and adapted considerably during its short history in the United States. I hope that microfinance organizations will sustain their energetic spirit of innovation and experimentation as they strive to become more self-sufficient and adapt to our ever-changing economy.



References

Assanie, Laila, and Raghav Virmani (2006). "Incubating Microfinance: The Texas Border Experience," Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (September/October), pp. 3-7.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2007). Report to the Congress on the Availability of Credit to Small Businesses. Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October.

Carr, James H., and Zhong Yi Tong, eds. (2002). Replicating Microfinance in the United States. Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

Cowan, Charles D., and Adrian M. Cowan (2006). "A Survey-Based Assessment of Financial Institution Use of Credit Scoring for Small Business Lending (690 KB PDF)." Washington: U.S. Small Business Administration, Office of Advocacy, November.

Edgcomb, Elaine L., and Joyce A. Klein (2005). "Opening Opportunities, Building Ownership: Fulfilling the Promise of Microenterprise in the United States." Leaving the BoardWashington: Microenterprise Fund for Innovation, Effectiveness, Learning and Development (FIELD) at the Aspen Institute, February, www.fieldus.org/Projects/MovingForward.html.

Holtz-Eakin, Douglas, David Joulfaian, and Harvey S. Rosen (1994a). "Entrepreneurial Decisions and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board RAND Journal of Economics, vol. 24 (Summer), pp. 334-47.

_________ (1994b). "Sticking It Out: Entrepreneurial Survival and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board Journal of Political Economy, vol. 102 (February), pp. 53-75.

Knaup, Amy E. (2005). "Survival and Longevity in the Business Employment Dynamics Data," Monthly Labor Review, vol. 128 (May), pp. 50-56.

Rosen, Harvey S. (1998). "The Future of Entrepreneurial Finance," Leaving the Board Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 22 (August), pp. 1105-07.

Yunus, Muhammad (2006). "Nobel Lecture," Leaving the Board acceptance speech delivered at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, Oslo, December 10, www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates.

Footnotes

1. Additional information is available on the United Nations website, "International Year of Microcredit," www.yearofmicrocredit.org. Leaving the Board

2. Acción USA, About Us: Our Impact, Leaving the Board www.accionusa.org/site/c.lvKVL9MUIsG/b.1388811/k.46F7/ACCIONs_Impact_on_Small_Businesses.htm.

3. Acción Texas, "Economic and Community Impact of Acción Texas, 1994-2005," Leaving the Board www.acciontexas.org/economic_impact_report.php.

4. Acción USA, Get a Loan Leaving the Board, https://secure.accionusa.org.

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신진서, AI 카타고에 1패 뒤 2연승 [서울=뉴스핌] 남정훈 기자 = 세계 최강 바둑기사 신진서 9단이 현존 최고 수준의 바둑 인공지능(AI) 카타고(KataGo)를 꺾고 인간 바둑의 저력을 다시 한번 증명했다. 신진서는 21일 서울 중구 한국경제TV 스튜디오에서 열린 쎈수학·한경 기신전 최종 3국에서 카타고를 상대로 221수 만에 흑 11집 반승을 거뒀다. 신진서는 1국을 내준 뒤 2국과 3국을 연달아 따내며 최종 전적 2승 1패의 짜릿한 역전승을 완성했다. [AI 챗GPT가 제작한 AI '카타고(KataGo)'와 신진서 9단 기신전(棋神戰) 3번기 일러스트] psoq1337@newspim.com 이번 대국은 신진서가 흑돌 두 점을 먼저 놓는 2점 접바둑으로 진행됐다. 흑이 0.5집을 부담해 무승부가 나오면 카타고의 승리로 인정되는 방식이었다. 신진서에게는 5시간과 30초 초읽기 1회가 주어졌고, 카타고는 제한시간 없이 매 수 20초 안에 착수했다. 대회 전 전망은 밝지 않았다. 대부분의 바둑계 관계자는 현존 최강 AI를 상대로 신진서가 한 판만 이겨도 성공이라는 평가를 내놓았다. 하지만 신진서는 예상을 뒤엎었다. 1국에서는 카타고가 초반부터 준비한 예상 밖의 수에 흔들리며 패했지만, 2국에서 안정적인 운영으로 반격에 성공했고, 마지막 3국에서는 완벽에 가까운 내용으로 승부를 마무리했다. 최종국에서 카타고는 앞선 두 대국과 달리 첫수로 소목을 선택하며 변화를 시도했다. 신진서 역시 잠시 고민한 끝에 우하귀 소목으로 응수하며 차분하게 포석을 이어갔다. 이후 대국은 신진서가 사전에 예고했던 대로 복잡한 전투를 최대한 피하는 방향으로 흘러갔다. 그는 귀의 일부 실리를 내주는 대신 상변과 중앙에 두터운 세력을 구축했고, 80수 무렵부터 거대한 흑진을 형성하며 주도권을 잡았다. 신진서 9단이 29일 서울 중구 조선 웨스틴 호텔에서 열린 '알파고 10년 : 위대한 동행' 행사에 참석해 데미스 하사비스 구글 딥마인드 공동 창업자 및 CEO와 친선대국을 마친 뒤 질문에 답하고 있다. [사진 = 뉴스핌DB] 승부를 가른 것은 흔들리지 않는 집중력이었다. 1국에서는 70수, 2국에서는 160수 무렵 AI의 예상 승률 99%가 무너지며 집 차이가 줄어들었지만, 3국에서는 한 번 잡은 우세를 끝까지 유지했다. AI의 예상 승률은 대국 내내 99% 안팎을 유지했고, 끝내기에서도 형태를 지키며 단 한 번의 실수도 허용하지 않았다. 결국 신진서는 11집 반이라는 큰 차이로 승리를 확정했다. 이번 승리로 신진서는 이세돌 이후 한층 더 진화한 AI를 상대로 공식 대국에서 2승을 거둔 최초의 기사가 됐다. 돌 두 점의 도움을 받는 접바둑이었지만, 한 번의 실수도 허용하지 않는 AI를 상대로 역전 시리즈를 만들어냈다는 점에서 의미가 크다. 신진서는 이번 대국을 통해 판당 5000만원의 대국료와 2승에 따른 승리 수당을 포함해 총 2억5000만원을 받았고, 우승 부상으로 제네시스 G90도 품에 안았다. 한편 카타고는 미국 컴퓨터 과학자 데이비드 우가 개발한 오픈소스 바둑 AI로, 이번 대국에서는 RTX 3090 그래픽카드 4장을 병렬 연결한 전용 시스템을 활용해 최상의 연산 성능을 구현했다. 카타고가 계산한 수는 한국기원 소속 이단비 초단이 대리 착수하며 대국이 진행됐다. wcn05002@newspim.com 2026-07-21 13:56
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한국 FIFA 랭킹 32위로 '7계단 추락' [서울=뉴스핌] 남정훈 기자 = 2026 북중미 월드컵 조별리그 탈락의 후폭풍이 국제축구연맹(FIFA) 랭킹에도 고스란히 반영됐다. FIFA가 20일(현지시간) 발표한 2026년 7월 남자 축구 세계랭킹에서 한국은 랭킹 포인트 1558.72점을 기록하며 32위에 자리했다. 북중미 월드컵 직전 25위였던 한국은 한 달 만에 7계단 하락했고, 2021년 12월(33위) 이후 처음으로 30위권 밖으로 내려갔다. 올해 1월만 해도 22위를 기록했던 것을 감안하면 불과 반년 만에 10계단이나 순위가 떨어졌다. [과달라하라 로이터=뉴스핌] 박상욱 기자=손흥민이 12일(한국시간) 북중미 월드컵 A조 조별리그 체코와의 경기에서 득점에 실패하자 아쉬워하고 있다. 2026.6.13 psoq1337@newspim.com 순위 하락의 가장 큰 원인은 월드컵 성적이다. 홍명보 전 감독이 이끈 한국은 조별리그 A조에서 체코를 상대로 2-1 승리를 거뒀지만, 이후 멕시코와 남아프리카공화국에 연달아 0-1로 패하며 1승 2패로 탈락했다. 48개국 체제로 확대된 이번 대회에서 32강 진출이 유력할 것으로 예상됐지만 기대를 밑도는 성적을 남겼다. 특히 남아공전 패배의 여파가 컸다. FIFA 랭킹은 엘로(Elo) 방식으로 계산되며 경기 결과뿐 아니라 상대 전력과 대회의 중요도를 함께 반영한다. 월드컵 본선은 가장 높은 가중치가 적용되는 만큼 승패에 따른 포인트 변동 폭도 크다. 한국은 멕시코와 남아공전에서 잇따라 패하면서 랭킹 포인트를 크게 잃었고, 토너먼트 진출 실패로 추가 점수를 획득할 기회마저 사라졌다. 반면 경쟁국들은 월드컵에서 좋은 성적을 거두며 순위를 끌어올렸다. 그 결과 한국의 7계단 하락은 이번 발표에서 30위권 국가 가운데 가장 큰 낙폭으로 기록됐다. [서울=뉴스핌] 박상욱 기자 = 홍명보 감독. [사진=로이터] 2026.06.29 psoq1337@newspim.com 아시아 내 위상도 한 단계 내려갔다. 일본은 월드컵 32강 진출과 함께 17위로 한 계단 상승하며 아시아 최고 순위를 유지했다. 이란은 22위, 호주는 28위에 자리했고 한국은 호주에도 밀리며 아시아 4위로 내려앉았다. 월드컵 전만 해도 일본과 이란에 이어 아시아 3위였던 한국은 이번 대회를 거치며 순위 경쟁에서 한발 뒤처지게 됐다. 한국과 같은 조에서 경쟁했던 국가들의 순위도 눈길을 끌었다. 멕시코는 월드컵 성과를 바탕으로 10위까지 올라 처음으로 톱10에 진입했고, 체코는 48위, 남아프리카공화국은 54위에 자리했다. 세계 랭킹 최상단에도 변화가 있었다. 월드컵 우승을 차지한 스페인이 결승에서 아르헨티나를 꺾으며 1위 자리를 탈환했고, 준우승한 아르헨티나는 2위로 내려갔다. 프랑스와 잉글랜드는 각각 3위와 4위를 유지했고, 브라질과 모로코, 포르투갈, 벨기에, 네덜란드, 멕시코가 톱10을 형성했다. [이스트 러더퍼드 로이터=뉴스핌] 박상욱 기자=노르웨이의 엘링 홀란이 6일(한국시간) 북중미 월드컵 16강전 브라질 대 노르웨이전에서 선제골을 넣은 뒤 환호하고 있다. 2026.7.6 psoq1337@newspim.com 이번 발표에서 가장 큰 상승세를 보인 국가는 노르웨이였다. 엘링 홀란(맨체스터 시티)을 앞세워 사상 첫 월드컵 8강 진출에 성공한 노르웨이는 31위에서 19위로 무려 12계단을 뛰어오르며 가장 큰 폭의 순위 상승을 기록했다. 월드컵 실패와 함께 FIFA 랭킹까지 급락한 한국은 향후 국제대회 시드 배정과 월드컵 예선 조 추첨에서도 이전보다 불리한 위치에 설 가능성이 커졌다.  wcn05002@newspim.com 2026-07-21 09:37
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