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※ 번역할 언어 선택

Chairman Ben S. Bernanke
At the ACCIÓN Texas Summit on Microfinance in the United States, San Antonio, Texas
November 6, 2007

Microfinance in the United States

Last month I had the pleasure of meeting with someone very well known to this audience but not so well known to Americans generally: Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Perhaps more than any other individual, Dr. Yunus inspired the movement that has become known as microfinance. In 1976, Dr. Yunus founded the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, which became one of the pioneers of the concept of offering small loans to people deemed too poor or insufficiently creditworthy to qualify for traditional bank loans.

The organization and the larger movement it helped spawn have financed the entrepreneurial aspirations of many thousands of people. The great majority of those who have benefited from Grameen Bank loans have been women, particularly poor rural women. Microfinance has offered borrowers, in Dr. Yunus's words, "a fair chance to unleash their energy and creativity" (Yunus, 2006). His innovative thinking and dedication to poverty relief through the extension of credit were honored in 2006 by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. And the movement itself was recognized when the United Nations declared 2005 to be the International Year of Microcredit.1

The microfinance, or microcredit, movement has spread throughout the world--to other parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and, more recently, to the United States. Although the social and economic contexts differ widely across countries, the fundamental purpose of microfinance programs remains the same: to offer small loans and other financial services to low-income people to help them increase their incomes through entrepreneurship and self-employment.

Acción Texas has been an exemplar of the movement in the United States. I am very pleased to speak at your summit meeting today for many reasons, not the least of which is the opportunity to visit again with Janie Barrera, the president of Acción Texas. I had the pleasure of working with Janie when she was a member of the Federal Reserve Board's Consumer Advisory Council, which has been an invaluable resource for the Board over the years on all aspects of consumer protection regulation and community development initiatives. Soon after I became a member of the Board in 2002, Janie collaborated with the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas to invite me and one of my fellow Board members, Susan Bies, to Brownsville, Texas. We toured local housing and community development projects and visited a small business that had gotten its start with the help of a microloan from Acción Texas.

In the remainder of my remarks I will speak about the development of the microfinance movement in the United States, putting it into an international context and discussing as well how it fits into the broader landscape of small business financing in this country. I will close with some thoughts on the challenges facing the U.S. movement as it continues to grow and mature.

The Development of the U.S. Microfinance Movement
Although the United States came relatively late to the microfinance movement, experimentation in the 1980s and 1990s laid the groundwork for the lively network of programs we see today. Acción has been at the forefront of the development of microfinance in the United States. Acción International began its microlending activities in Latin America in 1961 and established an affiliate organization in the United States, Acción USA, in 1991. Over the years, the U.S. Acción network has grown to become one of the country's largest microfinance providers. Since its founding, the U.S. Acción network has loaned $180 million to nearly 20,000 borrowers in thirty-five states.2

Of course, the operational details of U.S. microfinance programs differ significantly from those in overseas programs, but as I mentioned, they share similar goals and core values. As it does in developing countries, the microfinance movement in the United States seeks to expand economic opportunities for individuals and to foster community economic development by providing small loans and other business services to people who have been traditionally underserved by mainstream financial institutions. Loan features--including size, collateral requirements, and repayment terms--are typically more flexible than those of standard bank loans and are tailored to the needs of low- and moderate-income entrepreneurs.

In the United States, however, credit is only one part of the microfinance package. To a greater extent than overseas, microfinance programs here have expanded their offerings to deliver education, training, and various other services to nascent entrepreneurs. The goals of these supplemental activities are twofold: to improve the survival rate of the borrowers' start-up businesses and to mitigate credit risks for the lender. Several factors have driven the U.S. microfinance industry to diversify beyond simply lending. The complexity of the U.S. market for financial services requires greater financial management skills than are typically needed in developing countries. Here, even very small businesses are likely to have to deal with factors--such as taxes, licenses, and zoning laws--that can prove daunting hurdles to the inexperienced, aspiring business owner (Assanie and Virmani, 2006). By contrast, entrepreneurs in developing countries tend to operate in the informal sector, often out of the sight of regulators and tax authorities. Yet another difference between the U.S. context and that of the developing world is that, in the United States, aspiring entrepreneurs may have access to alternative sources of credit. Although they may not be able to obtain traditional small business loans, some can qualify for credit cards, home equity credit lines, or other alternatives to microcredit, whereas many of Grameen Bank's clients in Bangladesh, for example, have no such alternatives. Thus, while lending remains a very important part of U.S. microfinance programs, it is not as central to the broader mission as is typically the case in the developing world.

In helping local enterprises get under way, microfinance organizations help deliver the social benefits often associated with such businesses. For example, microentrepreneurs often involve their family members in their businesses, providing them valuable work experience; and extra income can confer important advantages on future generations, such as a chance for a better education. In addition, entrepreneurs may benefit communities and local economies in multiple ways, as this story of a woman who resides in one of Houston's poorest neighborhoods illustrates. Observing the lack of grocery stores in her community, she approached Acción Texas for funds to open a small organic food store and restaurant. With the help of the microloan, she created a viable business while also improving the options for food shopping in her community. She also provides various services, including neighborhood cooking classes that promote healthy eating habits.

The Place of Microfinance in the Landscape of Small Business Finance
Although comprehensive data on U.S. microfinance as a whole is scarce, many U.S. microfinance institutions measure and track their own performance. Acción Texas, for instance, reports that it loaned $42 million between 1994 and 2005. It estimates that those loans created 982 new jobs and generated about $78 million in economic activity (including earnings of about $25 million and local tax revenue of $4.5 million).3 Thus, despite gaps in the aggregate data, we can get some sense of how microfinance fits into the overall picture of small business finance.

Small businesses, generally defined as firms having fewer than 500 employees, have always played a vital role in the U.S. economy. Together, they employ more than half of private-sector workers and produce more than half of private-sector output (Board of Governors, 2007). The enterprises that microlenders finance are, of course, the very smallest of small businesses, but such firms make up a substantial share of the U.S. small business sector: 20 percent of small businesses in the United States have only one individual working in the firm, and 40 percent have two to four people working. Among these smaller firms, nearly 25 percent were founded or acquired by a new owner within the past four years.

Thus microenterprises not only provide a path to economic self-reliance for owner-entrepreneurs and benefit their local communities, but they are also important for the economy as a whole. There is some truth to the popular image of the successful firm which had its beginnings in someone's garage. Microenterprises can grow into small businesses, and small businesses can grow into large firms. Thus, microfinance plays the role of business incubator by compensating for the difficulties faced by very small firms and startups in obtaining credit from established financial intermediaries. These difficulties arise because lending to small businesses is typically considered riskier and more costly than lending to larger firms. Small businesses are often more susceptible to changes in the broader economy and generally have a much higher rate of failure than larger operations, although the survival rate of small firms increases with age (Knaup, 2005).Collateral may be used to help mitigate the risk to lenders, but the smallest and youngest firms often have few assets available to pledge. Besides being riskier, lending to small firms can be more expensive. It costs more per dollar loaned both to evaluate their credit applications and to monitor their ongoing performance. Many small businesses lack detailed balance sheets and other financial information used by underwriters in making lending decisions. And the small firm does not issue publicly traded debt or other securities whose values in the marketplace serve as a signal of its profit expectations.

Of course, despite these challenges, many smaller businesses do manage to obtain the credit and capital they need. Community banks, which rely on personal relationships and knowledge of the local market to assess credit risks, have long been a source of funding for small business. The development of more-sophisticated techniques in small business loan underwriting, including the use of credit scoring, has helped make small business lending more attractive to larger institutions as well (Cowan and Cowan, 2006). And research demonstrates that internal finance--that is, financing from the personal resources of owners, family, friends, and business associates--can help offset a lack of access to capital and is crucial to both new and established small enterprises (Rosen, 1998; Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen, 1994a,b). For some potential low-income entrepreneurs, however, none of these options is feasible. Microfinance was designed to bridge this gap.

The Future of Microfinance in the United States
As I have emphasized, microenterprise development programs in the United States are about much more than the extension of credit, though access to credit remains a central concern. Many programs take a holistic approach, offering interconnected services that complement lending activities and are targeted at entrepreneurs at each stage of business development. Services being offered include up-front business training; specialized technical assistance; mentoring programs; sector-specific advice and support; networking opportunities; coordinated sales and marketing programs; and the development of formal links with banks, local community colleges, and other institutions (Edgcomb and Klein, 2005). Of course, many start-up businesses don't make it; that's an inescapable aspect of the risks that small business entrepreneurs face. But the services provided by microenterprise programs offer borrowers a strong foundation in the fundamentals of running a business and give their businesses a better chance to grow and flourish in a competitive marketplace.

These services benefit the lender by making the borrowers more creditworthy, but providing these services to budding entrepreneurs is labor intensive and requires considerable expertise. Because microfinance clients are rarely able to pay for these services, the costs have generally been underwritten by philanthropic efforts and public-private partnerships. Whether U.S. microfinance programs can become financially self-sustaining is a key question for the future.

Currently, microenterprise organizations are experimenting with business models in the effort to promote self-sustainability. Some are trying to enhance their profitability by offering a wider array of fee-based services, such as check cashing and the facilitation of remittances. Others have turned to technology to reduce their costs. Acción USA, for instance, has reduced transaction, underwriting, and servicing costs through an Internet lending initiative.4 It has also reduced its training costs through online and distance-learning courses. Another web-based effort, MicroMentor, matches inexperienced entrepreneurs with more experienced businesspeople, thereby providing important assistance to new business owners at a relatively low cost (http://www.micromentor.org/ Leaving the Board). The Association for Enterprise Opportunity, the principal trade association for microenterprise programs, serves as a forum for learning about innovations, developments, and best practices in this field (http://www.microenterpriseworks.org/ Leaving the Board).

Another promising avenue for the future of microfinance is the development of more partnerships with mainstream banking institutions. Mainstream banks typically don't offer the array of supportive services found at microlenders. But by partnering with a microlender that incubates very small businesses, mainstream institutions can gain new customers when the borrowers "graduate" from the microfinance program and seek larger loans. And these new customers will be more creditworthy borrowers because of the early support they received from the microfinance organization. Acción Texas and other microfinance organizations have established several mutually beneficial partnerships with large banking institutions. Such partnerships serve as two-way referral systems between the microlenders and large banks and help break down the barriers between mainstream institutions and underserved entrepreneurs.

Conclusion
To sum up, I want to affirm the important role that microfinance plays in bringing the opportunity for entrepreneurship to people who otherwise might not have it. Although some businesses will inevitably fall by the wayside, those that flourish and grow are likely to have better management and better long-term prospects than they would have without the support of microenterprise programs. Successful microbusinesses provide jobs as well as valuable products and services to their communities. Not least important, they can provide economic independence and self-reliance for the owner-entrepreneurs. The full benefits of this movement are difficult to calculate. Indeed, one important challenge for the future is to find ways to better measure the impact and cost effectiveness of microfinance programs. What is clear is that the microfinance movement has grown and adapted considerably during its short history in the United States. I hope that microfinance organizations will sustain their energetic spirit of innovation and experimentation as they strive to become more self-sufficient and adapt to our ever-changing economy.



References

Assanie, Laila, and Raghav Virmani (2006). "Incubating Microfinance: The Texas Border Experience," Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (September/October), pp. 3-7.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2007). Report to the Congress on the Availability of Credit to Small Businesses. Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October.

Carr, James H., and Zhong Yi Tong, eds. (2002). Replicating Microfinance in the United States. Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

Cowan, Charles D., and Adrian M. Cowan (2006). "A Survey-Based Assessment of Financial Institution Use of Credit Scoring for Small Business Lending (690 KB PDF)." Washington: U.S. Small Business Administration, Office of Advocacy, November.

Edgcomb, Elaine L., and Joyce A. Klein (2005). "Opening Opportunities, Building Ownership: Fulfilling the Promise of Microenterprise in the United States." Leaving the BoardWashington: Microenterprise Fund for Innovation, Effectiveness, Learning and Development (FIELD) at the Aspen Institute, February, www.fieldus.org/Projects/MovingForward.html.

Holtz-Eakin, Douglas, David Joulfaian, and Harvey S. Rosen (1994a). "Entrepreneurial Decisions and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board RAND Journal of Economics, vol. 24 (Summer), pp. 334-47.

_________ (1994b). "Sticking It Out: Entrepreneurial Survival and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board Journal of Political Economy, vol. 102 (February), pp. 53-75.

Knaup, Amy E. (2005). "Survival and Longevity in the Business Employment Dynamics Data," Monthly Labor Review, vol. 128 (May), pp. 50-56.

Rosen, Harvey S. (1998). "The Future of Entrepreneurial Finance," Leaving the Board Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 22 (August), pp. 1105-07.

Yunus, Muhammad (2006). "Nobel Lecture," Leaving the Board acceptance speech delivered at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, Oslo, December 10, www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates.

Footnotes

1. Additional information is available on the United Nations website, "International Year of Microcredit," www.yearofmicrocredit.org. Leaving the Board

2. Acción USA, About Us: Our Impact, Leaving the Board www.accionusa.org/site/c.lvKVL9MUIsG/b.1388811/k.46F7/ACCIONs_Impact_on_Small_Businesses.htm.

3. Acción Texas, "Economic and Community Impact of Acción Texas, 1994-2005," Leaving the Board www.acciontexas.org/economic_impact_report.php.

4. Acción USA, Get a Loan Leaving the Board, https://secure.accionusa.org.

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李지지율 40.2% 취임후 최저 [리얼미터] [서울=뉴스핌] 박찬제 기자 = 이재명 대통령의 국정 지지율이 6주 연속 하락하며 취임 후 최저치를 기록했다는 여론조사 결과가 24일 나왔다. 리얼미터가 에너지경제신문 의뢰로 지난 18~21일 전국 18세 이상 유권자 2026명을 대상으로 조사한 결과, 이 대통령의 국정수행 긍정 평가는 40.2%로 집계됐다. 지난주보다 2.8%포인트(p) 떨어졌다.  부정 평가는 전주보다 2.8%p 오른 56.9%였다. 긍정과 부정 평가의 격차는 16.7%p다. 잘 모름은 3.0%였다. [서울=뉴스핌] 이재명 대통령이 18일 청와대에서 을지국가안전보장회의(NSC)를 주재하고 있다. 2026.0818 [사진=청와대] 권역별로는 전남광주·전북(8.8%p↓), 대구·경북(3.1%p↓), 대전·세종·충청(2.7%p↓), 인천·경기(2.3%p↓)에서 하락세가 두드러졌다. 또 50대(4.7%p↓), 30대(4.4%p↓), 20대(2.4%p↓) 등에서도 지지율이 떨어졌으나, 60대(3.2%p↑)와 중도층(1.2%p↑)에선 지지율이 올랐다. 리얼미터는 "용산공원 주택 공급 논란으로 부동산 정책에 대한 불신이 커졌다"며 "조희대 대법원장 서면 제청과 헌법 개정 추진을 둘러싼 여야 갈등, 한·미 연합훈련 축소에 따른 안보 불안까지 겹치면서 보수층과 70세 이상 고령층의 이탈이 확대된 것이 하락 요인으로 보인다"고 진단했다. 지난 20일부터 21일까지 전국 18세 이상 1009명을 대상으로 진행된 정당 지지도는 더불어민주당 41.9%, 국민의힘 37.6%로 조사됐다. 민주당 지지율은 전주보다 6.0%p 하락했고, 국민의힘 지지율은 4.5%p 올랐다. 두 당의 지지율 차이는 4.3%p로 오차범위(±3.1%p) 안이다. 조국혁신당은 3.9%, 진보당 2.3%, 개혁신당 2.0%로 나타났다. 무당층은 9.7%로 집계됐다. 리얼미터는 민주당에 대해 "전당대회 종료에 따른 컨벤션 효과가 소멸했다"며 "용산공원 주택공급을 둘러싼 부동산 정책 갈등과 김민석 지도부의 지명직 최고위원 인선을 둘러싼 당내 갈등 노출이 겹치며 지지율이 하락한 것으로 보인다"고 진단했다. 국민의힘 지지율에 대해선 "여권의 부동산·정국 운영 논란과 한·미 연합훈련 축소에 따른 안보 불안을 집중 부각하면서 보수층 결집과 민주당 이탈층을 흡수했다"며 "30대·70대 이상 및 대구·경북 등에서 지지세를 확대해 상승한 것으로 풀이된다"고 해석했다. 대통령 국정 수행과 정당 지지도 조사 모두 무선 자동응답 방식으로 이뤄졌다. 대통령 국정 수행 지지도 조사의 표본오차는 95% 신뢰수준에 ±2.0%포인트, 응답률은 3.2%였다. 정당 지지도 조사의 표본오차는 95% 신뢰수준에 ±3.1%포인트, 응답률은 2.9%였다. 자세한 내용은 중앙선거여론조사심의위원회 홈페이지를 참조하면 된다. pcjay@newspim.com 2026-08-24 08:56
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단 49분...안세영, 세계선수권 우승 [서울=뉴스핌] 남정훈 기자 = '배드민턴 여제' 안세영(삼성생명)이 부상을 털어내고 돌아온 세계선수권에서 단 한 게임도 내주지 않는 완벽한 경기력으로 3년 만에 정상에 복귀했다. 여자 단식 세계랭킹 1위 안세영은 23일(한국시간) 인도 뉴델리에서 열린 2026 세계배드민턴연맹(BWF) 세계선수권대회 여자단식 결승에서 세계 2위 야마구치 아카네(일본)를 49분 만에 2-0(21-17 21-14)으로 제압했다. [뉴델리 로이터=뉴스핌] 안세영이 2026 배드민턴 세계선수권 여자 단식 결승전에서 일본의 야마구치를 꺾고 우승을 차지했다. 2026.08.23 wcn05002@newspim.com 이로써 안세영은 한국 선수 최초로 세계선수권 단식 정상에 올랐던 2023년 코펜하겐 대회 이후 3년 만이자 개인 통산 두 번째 금메달을 목에 걸었다. 반면 2021·2022·2025년 챔피언 야마구치는 대회 사상 최초 여자단식 4회 우승 도전을 다음으로 미뤘다. 이번 우승은 부상을 딛고 일궈낸 결과라는 점에서 의미가 더 컸다. 안세영은 지난달 일본오픈에서 왼발 통증으로 기권한 뒤 중국오픈에도 출전하지 않고 재활에 집중했다. 약 한 달의 실전 공백을 안고 세계선수권을 복귀 무대로 선택했지만 우려는 기우였다. 대회 내내 압도적이었다. 안세영은 64강부터 결승까지 6경기를 치르면서 단 한 게임도 내주지 않았다. 8강에서는 세계 5위 한웨, 준결승에서는 세계 3위 왕즈이(이상 중국)를 연달아 2-0으로 돌려세웠고 마지막에는 디펜딩 챔피언 야마구치까지 완파했다. 결승에서는 세계 1, 2위의 맞대결답게 초반부터 빠른 랠리가 이어졌다. 안세영은 1게임 7-7에서 연속 득점으로 주도권을 가져왔지만 야마구치의 반격도 거셌다. 15-15 이후 팽팽한 승부가 이어졌고 17-17까지 좀처럼 승부가 갈리지 않았다. [뉴델리 로이터=뉴스핌] 안세영이 2026 배드민턴 세계선수권 여자 단식 결승전에서 일본의 야마구치를 꺾고 우승을 차지했다. 2026.08.23 wcn05002@newspim.com 승부처에서 안세영의 집중력이 빛났다. 끈질긴 수비로 야마구치의 공격을 받아낸 뒤 날카로운 대각 공격을 앞세워 4점을 연속으로 쓸어 담으며 21-17로 첫 게임을 가져왔다. 2게임에서는 야마구치가 먼저 3-0으로 치고 나갔다. 하지만 안세영은 서두르지 않았다. 차근차근 격차를 좁힌 뒤 7-7에서 내리 4점을 뽑아 11-7로 인터벌을 맞았다. 야마구치가 11-10까지 따라붙었지만 안세영은 다시 기어를 올렸다. 탄탄한 수비를 바탕으로 상대 범실을 끌어냈고, 코트 구석을 찌르는 공격으로 16-11까지 달아났다. 긴 랠리에서도 안세영이 한 수 위였다. 30차례 넘게 셔틀콕이 오가는 상황에서도 끝까지 집중력을 유지한 뒤 절묘한 드롭샷으로 득점을 만들어내며 야마구치의 추격 의지를 꺾었다. 결국 20-14로 매치포인트를 만든 안세영은 상대 범실로 마지막 점수를 따내며 두 팔을 번쩍 들었다. [뉴델리 로이터=뉴스핌] 안세영이 2026 배드민턴 세계선수권 여자 단식 결승전에서 일본의 야마구치를 꺾고 우승을 차지했다. 2026.08.23 wcn05002@newspim.com 이번 승리로 안세영은 야마구치와 통산 상대 전적에서도 20승 15패로 우위를 이어갔다. 특히 최근 맞대결에서는 6연승을 질주했다. 올해 싱가포르오픈과 인도네시아오픈에 이어 세계선수권 결승에서도 야마구치를 꺾으며 확실한 천적 관계를 구축했다. 한국 배드민턴에는 겹경사였다. 앞서 열린 여자복식 결승에서는 이소희-백하나(이상 인천국제공항)가 세계 1위 류성수-탄닝(중국)을 2-0(21-15 21-15)으로 제압하며 1995년 길영아-장혜옥 이후 31년 만에 한국에 여자복식 세계선수권 금메달을 안겼다. 이소희-백하나가 31년의 숙원을 풀고, 안세영이 세계 최강의 자리를 되찾으면서 한국 배드민턴은 뉴델리에서 금메달 2개를 수확하는 최고의 하루를 완성했다. wcn05002@newspim.com 2026-08-23 22:05
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