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※ 번역할 언어 선택

Chairman Ben S. Bernanke
At the ACCIÓN Texas Summit on Microfinance in the United States, San Antonio, Texas
November 6, 2007

Microfinance in the United States

Last month I had the pleasure of meeting with someone very well known to this audience but not so well known to Americans generally: Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Perhaps more than any other individual, Dr. Yunus inspired the movement that has become known as microfinance. In 1976, Dr. Yunus founded the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, which became one of the pioneers of the concept of offering small loans to people deemed too poor or insufficiently creditworthy to qualify for traditional bank loans.

The organization and the larger movement it helped spawn have financed the entrepreneurial aspirations of many thousands of people. The great majority of those who have benefited from Grameen Bank loans have been women, particularly poor rural women. Microfinance has offered borrowers, in Dr. Yunus's words, "a fair chance to unleash their energy and creativity" (Yunus, 2006). His innovative thinking and dedication to poverty relief through the extension of credit were honored in 2006 by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. And the movement itself was recognized when the United Nations declared 2005 to be the International Year of Microcredit.1

The microfinance, or microcredit, movement has spread throughout the world--to other parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and, more recently, to the United States. Although the social and economic contexts differ widely across countries, the fundamental purpose of microfinance programs remains the same: to offer small loans and other financial services to low-income people to help them increase their incomes through entrepreneurship and self-employment.

Acción Texas has been an exemplar of the movement in the United States. I am very pleased to speak at your summit meeting today for many reasons, not the least of which is the opportunity to visit again with Janie Barrera, the president of Acción Texas. I had the pleasure of working with Janie when she was a member of the Federal Reserve Board's Consumer Advisory Council, which has been an invaluable resource for the Board over the years on all aspects of consumer protection regulation and community development initiatives. Soon after I became a member of the Board in 2002, Janie collaborated with the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas to invite me and one of my fellow Board members, Susan Bies, to Brownsville, Texas. We toured local housing and community development projects and visited a small business that had gotten its start with the help of a microloan from Acción Texas.

In the remainder of my remarks I will speak about the development of the microfinance movement in the United States, putting it into an international context and discussing as well how it fits into the broader landscape of small business financing in this country. I will close with some thoughts on the challenges facing the U.S. movement as it continues to grow and mature.

The Development of the U.S. Microfinance Movement
Although the United States came relatively late to the microfinance movement, experimentation in the 1980s and 1990s laid the groundwork for the lively network of programs we see today. Acción has been at the forefront of the development of microfinance in the United States. Acción International began its microlending activities in Latin America in 1961 and established an affiliate organization in the United States, Acción USA, in 1991. Over the years, the U.S. Acción network has grown to become one of the country's largest microfinance providers. Since its founding, the U.S. Acción network has loaned $180 million to nearly 20,000 borrowers in thirty-five states.2

Of course, the operational details of U.S. microfinance programs differ significantly from those in overseas programs, but as I mentioned, they share similar goals and core values. As it does in developing countries, the microfinance movement in the United States seeks to expand economic opportunities for individuals and to foster community economic development by providing small loans and other business services to people who have been traditionally underserved by mainstream financial institutions. Loan features--including size, collateral requirements, and repayment terms--are typically more flexible than those of standard bank loans and are tailored to the needs of low- and moderate-income entrepreneurs.

In the United States, however, credit is only one part of the microfinance package. To a greater extent than overseas, microfinance programs here have expanded their offerings to deliver education, training, and various other services to nascent entrepreneurs. The goals of these supplemental activities are twofold: to improve the survival rate of the borrowers' start-up businesses and to mitigate credit risks for the lender. Several factors have driven the U.S. microfinance industry to diversify beyond simply lending. The complexity of the U.S. market for financial services requires greater financial management skills than are typically needed in developing countries. Here, even very small businesses are likely to have to deal with factors--such as taxes, licenses, and zoning laws--that can prove daunting hurdles to the inexperienced, aspiring business owner (Assanie and Virmani, 2006). By contrast, entrepreneurs in developing countries tend to operate in the informal sector, often out of the sight of regulators and tax authorities. Yet another difference between the U.S. context and that of the developing world is that, in the United States, aspiring entrepreneurs may have access to alternative sources of credit. Although they may not be able to obtain traditional small business loans, some can qualify for credit cards, home equity credit lines, or other alternatives to microcredit, whereas many of Grameen Bank's clients in Bangladesh, for example, have no such alternatives. Thus, while lending remains a very important part of U.S. microfinance programs, it is not as central to the broader mission as is typically the case in the developing world.

In helping local enterprises get under way, microfinance organizations help deliver the social benefits often associated with such businesses. For example, microentrepreneurs often involve their family members in their businesses, providing them valuable work experience; and extra income can confer important advantages on future generations, such as a chance for a better education. In addition, entrepreneurs may benefit communities and local economies in multiple ways, as this story of a woman who resides in one of Houston's poorest neighborhoods illustrates. Observing the lack of grocery stores in her community, she approached Acción Texas for funds to open a small organic food store and restaurant. With the help of the microloan, she created a viable business while also improving the options for food shopping in her community. She also provides various services, including neighborhood cooking classes that promote healthy eating habits.

The Place of Microfinance in the Landscape of Small Business Finance
Although comprehensive data on U.S. microfinance as a whole is scarce, many U.S. microfinance institutions measure and track their own performance. Acción Texas, for instance, reports that it loaned $42 million between 1994 and 2005. It estimates that those loans created 982 new jobs and generated about $78 million in economic activity (including earnings of about $25 million and local tax revenue of $4.5 million).3 Thus, despite gaps in the aggregate data, we can get some sense of how microfinance fits into the overall picture of small business finance.

Small businesses, generally defined as firms having fewer than 500 employees, have always played a vital role in the U.S. economy. Together, they employ more than half of private-sector workers and produce more than half of private-sector output (Board of Governors, 2007). The enterprises that microlenders finance are, of course, the very smallest of small businesses, but such firms make up a substantial share of the U.S. small business sector: 20 percent of small businesses in the United States have only one individual working in the firm, and 40 percent have two to four people working. Among these smaller firms, nearly 25 percent were founded or acquired by a new owner within the past four years.

Thus microenterprises not only provide a path to economic self-reliance for owner-entrepreneurs and benefit their local communities, but they are also important for the economy as a whole. There is some truth to the popular image of the successful firm which had its beginnings in someone's garage. Microenterprises can grow into small businesses, and small businesses can grow into large firms. Thus, microfinance plays the role of business incubator by compensating for the difficulties faced by very small firms and startups in obtaining credit from established financial intermediaries. These difficulties arise because lending to small businesses is typically considered riskier and more costly than lending to larger firms. Small businesses are often more susceptible to changes in the broader economy and generally have a much higher rate of failure than larger operations, although the survival rate of small firms increases with age (Knaup, 2005).Collateral may be used to help mitigate the risk to lenders, but the smallest and youngest firms often have few assets available to pledge. Besides being riskier, lending to small firms can be more expensive. It costs more per dollar loaned both to evaluate their credit applications and to monitor their ongoing performance. Many small businesses lack detailed balance sheets and other financial information used by underwriters in making lending decisions. And the small firm does not issue publicly traded debt or other securities whose values in the marketplace serve as a signal of its profit expectations.

Of course, despite these challenges, many smaller businesses do manage to obtain the credit and capital they need. Community banks, which rely on personal relationships and knowledge of the local market to assess credit risks, have long been a source of funding for small business. The development of more-sophisticated techniques in small business loan underwriting, including the use of credit scoring, has helped make small business lending more attractive to larger institutions as well (Cowan and Cowan, 2006). And research demonstrates that internal finance--that is, financing from the personal resources of owners, family, friends, and business associates--can help offset a lack of access to capital and is crucial to both new and established small enterprises (Rosen, 1998; Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen, 1994a,b). For some potential low-income entrepreneurs, however, none of these options is feasible. Microfinance was designed to bridge this gap.

The Future of Microfinance in the United States
As I have emphasized, microenterprise development programs in the United States are about much more than the extension of credit, though access to credit remains a central concern. Many programs take a holistic approach, offering interconnected services that complement lending activities and are targeted at entrepreneurs at each stage of business development. Services being offered include up-front business training; specialized technical assistance; mentoring programs; sector-specific advice and support; networking opportunities; coordinated sales and marketing programs; and the development of formal links with banks, local community colleges, and other institutions (Edgcomb and Klein, 2005). Of course, many start-up businesses don't make it; that's an inescapable aspect of the risks that small business entrepreneurs face. But the services provided by microenterprise programs offer borrowers a strong foundation in the fundamentals of running a business and give their businesses a better chance to grow and flourish in a competitive marketplace.

These services benefit the lender by making the borrowers more creditworthy, but providing these services to budding entrepreneurs is labor intensive and requires considerable expertise. Because microfinance clients are rarely able to pay for these services, the costs have generally been underwritten by philanthropic efforts and public-private partnerships. Whether U.S. microfinance programs can become financially self-sustaining is a key question for the future.

Currently, microenterprise organizations are experimenting with business models in the effort to promote self-sustainability. Some are trying to enhance their profitability by offering a wider array of fee-based services, such as check cashing and the facilitation of remittances. Others have turned to technology to reduce their costs. Acción USA, for instance, has reduced transaction, underwriting, and servicing costs through an Internet lending initiative.4 It has also reduced its training costs through online and distance-learning courses. Another web-based effort, MicroMentor, matches inexperienced entrepreneurs with more experienced businesspeople, thereby providing important assistance to new business owners at a relatively low cost (http://www.micromentor.org/ Leaving the Board). The Association for Enterprise Opportunity, the principal trade association for microenterprise programs, serves as a forum for learning about innovations, developments, and best practices in this field (http://www.microenterpriseworks.org/ Leaving the Board).

Another promising avenue for the future of microfinance is the development of more partnerships with mainstream banking institutions. Mainstream banks typically don't offer the array of supportive services found at microlenders. But by partnering with a microlender that incubates very small businesses, mainstream institutions can gain new customers when the borrowers "graduate" from the microfinance program and seek larger loans. And these new customers will be more creditworthy borrowers because of the early support they received from the microfinance organization. Acción Texas and other microfinance organizations have established several mutually beneficial partnerships with large banking institutions. Such partnerships serve as two-way referral systems between the microlenders and large banks and help break down the barriers between mainstream institutions and underserved entrepreneurs.

Conclusion
To sum up, I want to affirm the important role that microfinance plays in bringing the opportunity for entrepreneurship to people who otherwise might not have it. Although some businesses will inevitably fall by the wayside, those that flourish and grow are likely to have better management and better long-term prospects than they would have without the support of microenterprise programs. Successful microbusinesses provide jobs as well as valuable products and services to their communities. Not least important, they can provide economic independence and self-reliance for the owner-entrepreneurs. The full benefits of this movement are difficult to calculate. Indeed, one important challenge for the future is to find ways to better measure the impact and cost effectiveness of microfinance programs. What is clear is that the microfinance movement has grown and adapted considerably during its short history in the United States. I hope that microfinance organizations will sustain their energetic spirit of innovation and experimentation as they strive to become more self-sufficient and adapt to our ever-changing economy.



References

Assanie, Laila, and Raghav Virmani (2006). "Incubating Microfinance: The Texas Border Experience," Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (September/October), pp. 3-7.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2007). Report to the Congress on the Availability of Credit to Small Businesses. Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October.

Carr, James H., and Zhong Yi Tong, eds. (2002). Replicating Microfinance in the United States. Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

Cowan, Charles D., and Adrian M. Cowan (2006). "A Survey-Based Assessment of Financial Institution Use of Credit Scoring for Small Business Lending (690 KB PDF)." Washington: U.S. Small Business Administration, Office of Advocacy, November.

Edgcomb, Elaine L., and Joyce A. Klein (2005). "Opening Opportunities, Building Ownership: Fulfilling the Promise of Microenterprise in the United States." Leaving the BoardWashington: Microenterprise Fund for Innovation, Effectiveness, Learning and Development (FIELD) at the Aspen Institute, February, www.fieldus.org/Projects/MovingForward.html.

Holtz-Eakin, Douglas, David Joulfaian, and Harvey S. Rosen (1994a). "Entrepreneurial Decisions and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board RAND Journal of Economics, vol. 24 (Summer), pp. 334-47.

_________ (1994b). "Sticking It Out: Entrepreneurial Survival and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board Journal of Political Economy, vol. 102 (February), pp. 53-75.

Knaup, Amy E. (2005). "Survival and Longevity in the Business Employment Dynamics Data," Monthly Labor Review, vol. 128 (May), pp. 50-56.

Rosen, Harvey S. (1998). "The Future of Entrepreneurial Finance," Leaving the Board Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 22 (August), pp. 1105-07.

Yunus, Muhammad (2006). "Nobel Lecture," Leaving the Board acceptance speech delivered at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, Oslo, December 10, www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates.

Footnotes

1. Additional information is available on the United Nations website, "International Year of Microcredit," www.yearofmicrocredit.org. Leaving the Board

2. Acción USA, About Us: Our Impact, Leaving the Board www.accionusa.org/site/c.lvKVL9MUIsG/b.1388811/k.46F7/ACCIONs_Impact_on_Small_Businesses.htm.

3. Acción Texas, "Economic and Community Impact of Acción Texas, 1994-2005," Leaving the Board www.acciontexas.org/economic_impact_report.php.

4. Acción USA, Get a Loan Leaving the Board, https://secure.accionusa.org.

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장 끝났다고?…KRX 애프터마켓 오늘 개장 [서울=뉴스핌] 김가희 기자 = 한국거래소가 14일부터 정규장 종료 후 주식을 실시간으로 거래할 수 있는 애프터마켓을 운영한다. 기존 시간외단일가 매매를 폐지하고 오후 8시까지 실시간 거래를 확대하면서 대체거래소 넥스트레이드(NXT)와 장후 거래시장을 놓고 경쟁하게 됐다. 한국거래소에 따르면 이날부터 정규장 종료 후 오후 4시부터 8시까지 4시간 동안 애프터마켓이 열린다. 정규장은 기존과 같은 오후 3시 30분에 종료되며, 오후 3시 40분부터 4시까지는 시간외종가매매가 진행된다. 이후 오후 4시부터 애프터마켓에서 실시간 접속매매가 이뤄진다. [자료=한국거래소] 기존 오후 4~6시 운영되던 시간외단일가 매매는 폐지된다. 10분 단위로 주문을 모아 하나의 가격으로 체결하는 방식에서 벗어나 정규장과 같은 실시간 체결 방식으로 바뀌는 것이다. 거래소는 장 마감 이후 발생한 공시나 해외시장 움직임 등에 투자자들이 신속하게 대응할 수 있을 것으로 기대하고 있다. 이번 개장으로 가장 크게 달라지는 부분은 장후 거래의 선택지가 넓어진다는 점이다. NXT도 이미 장후 거래를 운영하고 있지만 거래 대상이 약 600개 종목으로 제한돼 있다. 반면 KRX 애프터마켓은 코넥스를 제외한 코스피·코스닥 상장주식과 주식예탁증서(DR) 등 대부분의 종목을 대상으로 한다. 단, 투자경고·투자위험·관리·정리매매 등 일부 시장관리 종목은 제외되며 상장지수펀드(ETF)와 상장지수증권(ETN)도 거래 대상에서 빠진다. 거래시간도 일부 차이가 있다. NXT 애프터마켓은 오후 3시 40분부터 8시까지 운영돼 KRX보다 20분 먼저 시작한다. 오후 4시부터 8시까지는 두 시장이 동시에 운영되면서 거래 가능한 종목의 경우 투자자가 어느 시장을 통해 주문을 체결할지 선택할 수 있는 구간이 된다. 이때 증권사의 스마트주문전송(SOR)이 시장 간 주문 경쟁의 핵심 역할을 맡는다. SOR은 동일 종목에 대해 각 시장의 가격과 거래비용, 체결 가능성 등을 비교해 투자자에게 유리한 시장으로 주문을 배분한다. KRX는 거래 종목의 폭을 앞세우고, NXT는 기존 장후 거래 인프라와 상대적으로 낮은 거래비용 등을 기반으로 맞서는 구조다. 주문 방식에도 변화가 생긴다. 애프터마켓에서는 시장가 주문을 허용하지 않고 지정가·최우선지정가·최유리지정가 등 제한된 호가만 이용할 수 있다. 장후 시간대 상대적으로 낮을 수 있는 유동성과 가격 변동성을 고려한 조치다. 가격제한폭은 기존 시간외단일가의 전일 종가 대비 ±10%에서 ±30%로 확대된다. 급격한 가격 움직임에 대응하기 위해 변동성완화장치(VI) 등 가격안정화 장치도 적용된다. 관건은 거래시간 확대에 걸맞은 유동성이 확보될 수 있느냐다. 자본시장연구원은 거래량이 충분히 늘지 않을 경우 장후 시간대에 유동성이 분산되고 호가 스프레드가 확대될 수 있다고 지적했다. 참여자가 적은 상황에서는 소수 주문만으로 가격이 크게 움직이면서 정규장 종가와 애프터마켓 가격 간 괴리가 커질 가능성도 있다. 여밀림 자본시장연구원 선임연구원은 "애프터마켓 도입 이후 시장 품질과 운영 안정성을 체계적으로 점검하고 그 결과를 프리마켓의 세부 운영방식과 도입 범위에 반영할 필요가 있다"며 "거래소·대체거래소·증권사와 청산 결제기관을 포괄하는 통합 시장운영 및 비상대응체계를 구축해야 한다"고 말했다. rkgml925@newspim.com 2026-09-14 12:00
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못말리는 트럼프?…골프장서 시상식 후 정책 발표 [서울=뉴스핌] 박상욱 기자 = 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령은 대형 스포츠 무대에 자주 모습을 드러낸다. 스포츠 무대를 자신의 정치적 존재감과 개인 브랜드를 동시에 키우는 공간으로 활용한다. 이번에는 자신의 골프장이다. 트럼프 대통령은 13일(현지시간) 아일랜드 서부 둔베그의 트럼프 인터내셔널 골프 링크에서 열린 DP 월드투어 아이리시 오픈 시상식에 직접 등장했다. 우승자 셰인 라우리에게 트로피를 전달하고 함께 기념사진을 찍었다. 'USA'가 새겨진 모자를 쓴 트럼프 대통령의 모습은 대회 우승 장면 못지않은 관심을 끌었다. 시상식 연설에서는 미국으로 수입되는 아일랜드 위스키 관세를 폐지하겠다는 발표까지 내놨다. [산세바스티안 로이터=뉴스핌] 박상욱 기자=도널드 트럼프 대통령이 14일(한국시간) 아이리시 오픈 시상식에서 우승자 셰인 라우리에게 트로피를 전달하고 기념사진을 찍고 있다. 2026.9.14 psoq1337@newspim.com 경기가 치러진 골프장은 트럼프 일가가 소유하고 있다. 트럼프그룹은 2014년 파산 절차를 밟던 골프장과 호텔을 약 1700만달러에 인수했다. 이후 트럼프 인터내셔널 골프 링크로 이름을 바꿨다. 이번 아이리시 오픈은 이 골프장에서 처음 열린 DP월드투어 대회다. 트럼프 대통령의 직접 참석까지 더해지면서 골프장 자체가 세계적인 뉴스의 중심에 섰다. 개인 사업장의 인지도와 브랜드 가치를 높이는 효과를 노렸다. 아일랜드 현지의 반발은 거셌다. 더블린에서는 12일 '트럼프는 환영받지 못한다'는 구호를 내건 대규모 시위가 열렸다. 둔베그에서도 반대 집회가 이어졌다. 아일랜드 정부는 대통령의 이동 동선에 군경 4000여명을 배치하는 대규모 경호 작전을 가동했다. 트럼프 대통령의 스포츠 행보는 이번이 처음이 아니다. 2025년 2월에는 미국 현직 대통령으로는 처음으로 슈퍼볼을 직접 관람했다. 일주일 뒤에는 데이토나500을 찾았다. NASCAR의 상징적인 레이스에서 대통령 전용 차량이 트랙을 돌며 퍼레이드에 참여했다. [뉴올리언스 로이터 =뉴스핌] 박상욱 기자 = 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 2025년 2월 미국 루이지애나주 뉴올리언스의 시저스 슈퍼돔에서 열리는 미국미식축구리그(NFL) 제59회 슈퍼볼 필라델피아와 캔자스시티의 경기 시작 전 국기에 대한 경례를 하고 있다. 2025.2.10 psoq1337@newspim.com [이스트 러더퍼드 로이터=뉴스핌] 박상욱 기자=도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 20일(한국시간) 아르헨티나를 꺾고 우승한 스페인의 로드리에게 월드컵 우승 트로피를 건네주고 있다. 2026.7.20 psoq1337@newspim.com 대학 레슬링 챔피언십과 UFC 경기장에도 모습을 드러냈다. LIV 골프 대회가 열린 자신의 플로리다 도럴 골프장도 직접 찾았다. 2025년 FIFA 클럽월드컵 결승에서는 첼시의 우승 세리머니 무대에 올라 트로피와 선수들 사이에 섰다. US오픈 테니스에도 등장했다. 2026년에는 NBA 파이널을 직접 관람했고 UFC를 백악관 잔디밭으로 불러들이는 파격적인 이벤트까지 진행했다. 스포츠에 대한 트럼프 대통령의 관심은 개인적인 취향만으로 설명하기 어렵다. 대형 스포츠는 정치 집회와 달리 폭넓은 대중에게 자연스럽게 노출된다. 경기장과 중계 화면을 통해 대통령의 모습이 반복적으로 전달된다. 정치적 메시지를 직접 전달하지 않아도 강한 이미지가 만들어진다. psoq1337@newspim.com 2026-09-14 10:19
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