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※ 번역할 언어 선택

Chairman Ben S. Bernanke
At the ACCIÓN Texas Summit on Microfinance in the United States, San Antonio, Texas
November 6, 2007

Microfinance in the United States

Last month I had the pleasure of meeting with someone very well known to this audience but not so well known to Americans generally: Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Perhaps more than any other individual, Dr. Yunus inspired the movement that has become known as microfinance. In 1976, Dr. Yunus founded the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, which became one of the pioneers of the concept of offering small loans to people deemed too poor or insufficiently creditworthy to qualify for traditional bank loans.

The organization and the larger movement it helped spawn have financed the entrepreneurial aspirations of many thousands of people. The great majority of those who have benefited from Grameen Bank loans have been women, particularly poor rural women. Microfinance has offered borrowers, in Dr. Yunus's words, "a fair chance to unleash their energy and creativity" (Yunus, 2006). His innovative thinking and dedication to poverty relief through the extension of credit were honored in 2006 by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. And the movement itself was recognized when the United Nations declared 2005 to be the International Year of Microcredit.1

The microfinance, or microcredit, movement has spread throughout the world--to other parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and, more recently, to the United States. Although the social and economic contexts differ widely across countries, the fundamental purpose of microfinance programs remains the same: to offer small loans and other financial services to low-income people to help them increase their incomes through entrepreneurship and self-employment.

Acción Texas has been an exemplar of the movement in the United States. I am very pleased to speak at your summit meeting today for many reasons, not the least of which is the opportunity to visit again with Janie Barrera, the president of Acción Texas. I had the pleasure of working with Janie when she was a member of the Federal Reserve Board's Consumer Advisory Council, which has been an invaluable resource for the Board over the years on all aspects of consumer protection regulation and community development initiatives. Soon after I became a member of the Board in 2002, Janie collaborated with the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas to invite me and one of my fellow Board members, Susan Bies, to Brownsville, Texas. We toured local housing and community development projects and visited a small business that had gotten its start with the help of a microloan from Acción Texas.

In the remainder of my remarks I will speak about the development of the microfinance movement in the United States, putting it into an international context and discussing as well how it fits into the broader landscape of small business financing in this country. I will close with some thoughts on the challenges facing the U.S. movement as it continues to grow and mature.

The Development of the U.S. Microfinance Movement
Although the United States came relatively late to the microfinance movement, experimentation in the 1980s and 1990s laid the groundwork for the lively network of programs we see today. Acción has been at the forefront of the development of microfinance in the United States. Acción International began its microlending activities in Latin America in 1961 and established an affiliate organization in the United States, Acción USA, in 1991. Over the years, the U.S. Acción network has grown to become one of the country's largest microfinance providers. Since its founding, the U.S. Acción network has loaned $180 million to nearly 20,000 borrowers in thirty-five states.2

Of course, the operational details of U.S. microfinance programs differ significantly from those in overseas programs, but as I mentioned, they share similar goals and core values. As it does in developing countries, the microfinance movement in the United States seeks to expand economic opportunities for individuals and to foster community economic development by providing small loans and other business services to people who have been traditionally underserved by mainstream financial institutions. Loan features--including size, collateral requirements, and repayment terms--are typically more flexible than those of standard bank loans and are tailored to the needs of low- and moderate-income entrepreneurs.

In the United States, however, credit is only one part of the microfinance package. To a greater extent than overseas, microfinance programs here have expanded their offerings to deliver education, training, and various other services to nascent entrepreneurs. The goals of these supplemental activities are twofold: to improve the survival rate of the borrowers' start-up businesses and to mitigate credit risks for the lender. Several factors have driven the U.S. microfinance industry to diversify beyond simply lending. The complexity of the U.S. market for financial services requires greater financial management skills than are typically needed in developing countries. Here, even very small businesses are likely to have to deal with factors--such as taxes, licenses, and zoning laws--that can prove daunting hurdles to the inexperienced, aspiring business owner (Assanie and Virmani, 2006). By contrast, entrepreneurs in developing countries tend to operate in the informal sector, often out of the sight of regulators and tax authorities. Yet another difference between the U.S. context and that of the developing world is that, in the United States, aspiring entrepreneurs may have access to alternative sources of credit. Although they may not be able to obtain traditional small business loans, some can qualify for credit cards, home equity credit lines, or other alternatives to microcredit, whereas many of Grameen Bank's clients in Bangladesh, for example, have no such alternatives. Thus, while lending remains a very important part of U.S. microfinance programs, it is not as central to the broader mission as is typically the case in the developing world.

In helping local enterprises get under way, microfinance organizations help deliver the social benefits often associated with such businesses. For example, microentrepreneurs often involve their family members in their businesses, providing them valuable work experience; and extra income can confer important advantages on future generations, such as a chance for a better education. In addition, entrepreneurs may benefit communities and local economies in multiple ways, as this story of a woman who resides in one of Houston's poorest neighborhoods illustrates. Observing the lack of grocery stores in her community, she approached Acción Texas for funds to open a small organic food store and restaurant. With the help of the microloan, she created a viable business while also improving the options for food shopping in her community. She also provides various services, including neighborhood cooking classes that promote healthy eating habits.

The Place of Microfinance in the Landscape of Small Business Finance
Although comprehensive data on U.S. microfinance as a whole is scarce, many U.S. microfinance institutions measure and track their own performance. Acción Texas, for instance, reports that it loaned $42 million between 1994 and 2005. It estimates that those loans created 982 new jobs and generated about $78 million in economic activity (including earnings of about $25 million and local tax revenue of $4.5 million).3 Thus, despite gaps in the aggregate data, we can get some sense of how microfinance fits into the overall picture of small business finance.

Small businesses, generally defined as firms having fewer than 500 employees, have always played a vital role in the U.S. economy. Together, they employ more than half of private-sector workers and produce more than half of private-sector output (Board of Governors, 2007). The enterprises that microlenders finance are, of course, the very smallest of small businesses, but such firms make up a substantial share of the U.S. small business sector: 20 percent of small businesses in the United States have only one individual working in the firm, and 40 percent have two to four people working. Among these smaller firms, nearly 25 percent were founded or acquired by a new owner within the past four years.

Thus microenterprises not only provide a path to economic self-reliance for owner-entrepreneurs and benefit their local communities, but they are also important for the economy as a whole. There is some truth to the popular image of the successful firm which had its beginnings in someone's garage. Microenterprises can grow into small businesses, and small businesses can grow into large firms. Thus, microfinance plays the role of business incubator by compensating for the difficulties faced by very small firms and startups in obtaining credit from established financial intermediaries. These difficulties arise because lending to small businesses is typically considered riskier and more costly than lending to larger firms. Small businesses are often more susceptible to changes in the broader economy and generally have a much higher rate of failure than larger operations, although the survival rate of small firms increases with age (Knaup, 2005).Collateral may be used to help mitigate the risk to lenders, but the smallest and youngest firms often have few assets available to pledge. Besides being riskier, lending to small firms can be more expensive. It costs more per dollar loaned both to evaluate their credit applications and to monitor their ongoing performance. Many small businesses lack detailed balance sheets and other financial information used by underwriters in making lending decisions. And the small firm does not issue publicly traded debt or other securities whose values in the marketplace serve as a signal of its profit expectations.

Of course, despite these challenges, many smaller businesses do manage to obtain the credit and capital they need. Community banks, which rely on personal relationships and knowledge of the local market to assess credit risks, have long been a source of funding for small business. The development of more-sophisticated techniques in small business loan underwriting, including the use of credit scoring, has helped make small business lending more attractive to larger institutions as well (Cowan and Cowan, 2006). And research demonstrates that internal finance--that is, financing from the personal resources of owners, family, friends, and business associates--can help offset a lack of access to capital and is crucial to both new and established small enterprises (Rosen, 1998; Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen, 1994a,b). For some potential low-income entrepreneurs, however, none of these options is feasible. Microfinance was designed to bridge this gap.

The Future of Microfinance in the United States
As I have emphasized, microenterprise development programs in the United States are about much more than the extension of credit, though access to credit remains a central concern. Many programs take a holistic approach, offering interconnected services that complement lending activities and are targeted at entrepreneurs at each stage of business development. Services being offered include up-front business training; specialized technical assistance; mentoring programs; sector-specific advice and support; networking opportunities; coordinated sales and marketing programs; and the development of formal links with banks, local community colleges, and other institutions (Edgcomb and Klein, 2005). Of course, many start-up businesses don't make it; that's an inescapable aspect of the risks that small business entrepreneurs face. But the services provided by microenterprise programs offer borrowers a strong foundation in the fundamentals of running a business and give their businesses a better chance to grow and flourish in a competitive marketplace.

These services benefit the lender by making the borrowers more creditworthy, but providing these services to budding entrepreneurs is labor intensive and requires considerable expertise. Because microfinance clients are rarely able to pay for these services, the costs have generally been underwritten by philanthropic efforts and public-private partnerships. Whether U.S. microfinance programs can become financially self-sustaining is a key question for the future.

Currently, microenterprise organizations are experimenting with business models in the effort to promote self-sustainability. Some are trying to enhance their profitability by offering a wider array of fee-based services, such as check cashing and the facilitation of remittances. Others have turned to technology to reduce their costs. Acción USA, for instance, has reduced transaction, underwriting, and servicing costs through an Internet lending initiative.4 It has also reduced its training costs through online and distance-learning courses. Another web-based effort, MicroMentor, matches inexperienced entrepreneurs with more experienced businesspeople, thereby providing important assistance to new business owners at a relatively low cost (http://www.micromentor.org/ Leaving the Board). The Association for Enterprise Opportunity, the principal trade association for microenterprise programs, serves as a forum for learning about innovations, developments, and best practices in this field (http://www.microenterpriseworks.org/ Leaving the Board).

Another promising avenue for the future of microfinance is the development of more partnerships with mainstream banking institutions. Mainstream banks typically don't offer the array of supportive services found at microlenders. But by partnering with a microlender that incubates very small businesses, mainstream institutions can gain new customers when the borrowers "graduate" from the microfinance program and seek larger loans. And these new customers will be more creditworthy borrowers because of the early support they received from the microfinance organization. Acción Texas and other microfinance organizations have established several mutually beneficial partnerships with large banking institutions. Such partnerships serve as two-way referral systems between the microlenders and large banks and help break down the barriers between mainstream institutions and underserved entrepreneurs.

Conclusion
To sum up, I want to affirm the important role that microfinance plays in bringing the opportunity for entrepreneurship to people who otherwise might not have it. Although some businesses will inevitably fall by the wayside, those that flourish and grow are likely to have better management and better long-term prospects than they would have without the support of microenterprise programs. Successful microbusinesses provide jobs as well as valuable products and services to their communities. Not least important, they can provide economic independence and self-reliance for the owner-entrepreneurs. The full benefits of this movement are difficult to calculate. Indeed, one important challenge for the future is to find ways to better measure the impact and cost effectiveness of microfinance programs. What is clear is that the microfinance movement has grown and adapted considerably during its short history in the United States. I hope that microfinance organizations will sustain their energetic spirit of innovation and experimentation as they strive to become more self-sufficient and adapt to our ever-changing economy.



References

Assanie, Laila, and Raghav Virmani (2006). "Incubating Microfinance: The Texas Border Experience," Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (September/October), pp. 3-7.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2007). Report to the Congress on the Availability of Credit to Small Businesses. Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October.

Carr, James H., and Zhong Yi Tong, eds. (2002). Replicating Microfinance in the United States. Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

Cowan, Charles D., and Adrian M. Cowan (2006). "A Survey-Based Assessment of Financial Institution Use of Credit Scoring for Small Business Lending (690 KB PDF)." Washington: U.S. Small Business Administration, Office of Advocacy, November.

Edgcomb, Elaine L., and Joyce A. Klein (2005). "Opening Opportunities, Building Ownership: Fulfilling the Promise of Microenterprise in the United States." Leaving the BoardWashington: Microenterprise Fund for Innovation, Effectiveness, Learning and Development (FIELD) at the Aspen Institute, February, www.fieldus.org/Projects/MovingForward.html.

Holtz-Eakin, Douglas, David Joulfaian, and Harvey S. Rosen (1994a). "Entrepreneurial Decisions and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board RAND Journal of Economics, vol. 24 (Summer), pp. 334-47.

_________ (1994b). "Sticking It Out: Entrepreneurial Survival and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board Journal of Political Economy, vol. 102 (February), pp. 53-75.

Knaup, Amy E. (2005). "Survival and Longevity in the Business Employment Dynamics Data," Monthly Labor Review, vol. 128 (May), pp. 50-56.

Rosen, Harvey S. (1998). "The Future of Entrepreneurial Finance," Leaving the Board Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 22 (August), pp. 1105-07.

Yunus, Muhammad (2006). "Nobel Lecture," Leaving the Board acceptance speech delivered at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, Oslo, December 10, www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates.

Footnotes

1. Additional information is available on the United Nations website, "International Year of Microcredit," www.yearofmicrocredit.org. Leaving the Board

2. Acción USA, About Us: Our Impact, Leaving the Board www.accionusa.org/site/c.lvKVL9MUIsG/b.1388811/k.46F7/ACCIONs_Impact_on_Small_Businesses.htm.

3. Acción Texas, "Economic and Community Impact of Acción Texas, 1994-2005," Leaving the Board www.acciontexas.org/economic_impact_report.php.

4. Acción USA, Get a Loan Leaving the Board, https://secure.accionusa.org.

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한동훈, 김승원 녹취 추가 공개 [서울=뉴스핌] 배정원 기자 = 한동훈 무소속 의원은 6일 신약 임상시험 승인 청탁 의혹 관련 김승원 법무부 장관 후보자와 브로커 간 통화 녹취를 추가 공개하며 지명 철회 압박을 이어갔다. ◆한동훈, '신약임상 청탁 의혹' 김승원·브로커 통화 녹취 공개 한 의원은 이날 페이스북을 통해 "김 후보자 측과 브로커는 마치 청탁 문자 두 건이 전부인 것처럼 언론에 말하고 있는데 이는 거짓말"이라며 녹취록을 공개했다. 녹취록에 따르면, 지난 2021년 10월 12일 1차 통화에서 김 후보자는 브로커에게 "그럼 직접 챙겨보라고 내가 얘기 한번 해볼게. 무슨 처 어디야. 어디, 과가 혹시. 아, 뭐 식약처장 알 테니까"라며 "그럼 그렇게 3상 허가를 빨리 내서 어쨌건 결과를 봐야 될 거 아니냐. 그런 식으로 직접 처장님이 챙겨봐 달라고, 보고해달라고 할게"라고 했다. 2차 통화에서는 "내가 말씀을 드렸고 일단 확인해서 나에게 보고해준다고 하니까 한번 기다려보시고 처장께서는 모든 가용화 인력을 배치해서 진행을 빨리하는 거를 돕고 있다. 이렇게 원칙적인 이야기를 하네"라고 했다. 한동훈 무소속 의원. [사진 = 뉴스핌DB] 그러자 브로커 양모 씨는 "맞아요. 그래서 오늘 자료 주려고 했는데 또 다른 담당자가 오늘 주지 말라고 이게 담당자끼리 책임 회피인데 조금 이슈 사항이니까 담당자들이 연락은 오는데 과장 선에서 넘어가지를 않는다고 해요"라고 대답했다. 이에 김 후보자가 "과장 선에서 막혀 있다? 알았어"라고 말했다는 것이 한 의원의 주장이다. 한 의원은 "김 후보자가 김강립 식약처장에게 로비한 후 김강립 식약처장은 그걸 혼자 묵살한 것이 아니라 실제로 식약처 담당자에게 김승원 로비를 전달했다. 실무진까지 전달된 성공한 로비였던 것"이라며 "(이번) 로비는 김승원 한 명의 문제가 아니다"라고 주장했다. 한 의원은 전날에도 김 후보자와 양씨의 녹취록을 공개하며 '오빠 독약 로비'라고 비판했다. 녹취록에 따르면, 김 후보자는 양씨에게 "보고 싶어서 눈물이 나네"라고 했다. 양씨는 김 후보자를 '오빠'라고 칭하며 "지금 바로 출발할 테니까 주소 주세요"라고 했다. 김 후보자와 양씨, 당시 서울서부지법 영장전담 판사였던 정모 판사가 함께 찍은 사진을 근거로 유착관계 의혹도 제기했다.  앞서 김 후보자는 브로커 양씨로부터 제약업체 제넨셀의 코로나19 치료제 임상시험 승인 관련 청탁을 받고 이를 당시 식약처장에게 전달했다는 의혹으로 수사를 받았다. 그러나 검찰은 직접적인 금품 수수가 없고 청탁의 위법성을 단정하기 어렵다며 2024년 12월 김 후보자에 대해 기소유예 처분을 내렸다. 김승원 법무부 장관 후보자 [사진=뉴스핌DB]   ◆김승원 측 "청탁 아닌 고충 민원 전달…정치공세 중단하라" 김 후보자 측은 "청탁이 아닌 공익적 고충 민원을 단순 전달한 것"이라며 "국민의 고충 민원 처리를 위한 민원 전달은 국회의원 청탁금지법에서도 명시적으로 허용하고 있다"고 해명했다. 구체적으로 "코로나 팬데믹 당시 국내 중소기업의 임상시험 절차가 부당하게 지연되지 않도록 살펴봐 달라고 요청한 것"이라면서 "치료제 허가나 우선 심사, 기준 완화 또는 절차 생략을 요구하지 않았다"고 설명했다. 아울러 "기소유예 처분은 검사의 불기소 처분"이라면서 "법원의 심리를 거친 유죄 판결이나 확정된 범죄 사실이 아니다"라고도 했다. 이날 한 의원이 공개한 녹취록에 대해서도 "녹취의 앞뒤를 잘라 김 후보자의 민원 확인을 승인 압력으로 둔갑시키고 있다"며 "녹취 어디에도 조건 없는 승인이나 기준 완화, 절차 생략을 요구한 내용은 없다. 전체 맥락을 삭제해 공익 민원을 불법 로비로 왜곡하는 정치공세를 중단하기 바란다"고 했다. ◆민주 "한동훈, 캐비닛 장사…녹취 입수 경위 밝혀야" 한 의원의 잇단 녹취 공개에 더불어민주당은 한 의원이 '캐비닛 장사'를 하고 있다고 비판하며 녹취의 입수 경위를 밝히며 역공에 나섰다. 조계원 민주당 대변인은 "사적 통화 녹취는 당사자 아니면 수사기관 등 제한된 경로를 통해야만 나올 수 있다"며 "입수·유출 경위에 위법성이 있다면 명백한 범죄에 해당할 수 있다"며 녹취와 수사자료 입수 경위를 소상하게 밝히라고 했다. 또 "사건을 캐비닛에 모아두고 시점을 골라 꺼내 써먹는 방식은 정치검찰의 오래된 관행"이라며 "한동훈 검사식 캐비닛 표적 수사가 한동훈 의원의 캐비닛 정치로 재현되고 있다"고 비판했다. jeongwon1026@newspim.com 2026-09-06 14:29
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최예림, 239번째 도전서 첫 우승 [서울=뉴스핌] 이웅희 기자=번번이 우승 문턱에서 발길을 돌렸던 최예림(27)이 마침내 한국여자프로골프(KLPGA) 투어 정상에 올랐다. 정규투어 데뷔 후 239번째 출전 대회에서 거둔 첫 우승이다. [서울=뉴스핌] 이웅희 기자=최예림이 OK저축은행 읏맨 오픈 우승 트로피에 입을 맞추고 있다. [사진=KLPGA] 2026.09.06 iaspire@newspim.com 최예림은 6일 경기도 포천 아도니스 컨트리클럽(파72)에서 열린 KLPGA 투어 OK저축은행 읏맨 오픈 최종 3라운드에서 버디 3개와 보기 2개로 1언더파 71타를 쳤다. 최종합계 10언더파 206타를 기록한 최예림은 거센 추격전을 펼친 임희정(9언더파 207타)을 1타 차로 제치고 우승 트로피를 품에 안았다. 우승 상금은 1억8000만원이다. 2018년 KLPGA 정규투어에 입성한 최예림은 그동안 꾸준히 상위권에 이름을 올리면서도 유독 우승과는 인연을 맺지 못했다. 이번 대회 전까지 준우승만 9차례. 연장 승부에서도 세 번 모두 패하며 아쉬움을 삼켰다. 올해 역시 맥콜·모나 용평 오픈에서 김민솔과 연장전을 벌인 끝에 2위에 머물렀다. 하지만 최근 출전한 3개 대회에서 공동 3위, 공동 6위, 공동 3위로 흐름을 끌어올렸고, 이번에는 마지막까지 선두를 지키며 오랜 기다림에 마침표를 찍었다. 이날 3타 차 단독 선두로 최종 라운드에 나선 최예림의 출발은 좋았다. 1번홀(파4)에서 약 4m 버디 퍼트를 성공시킨 데 이어 5번홀(파5)과 9번홀(파5)에서도 한 타씩 줄이며 전반을 안정적으로 풀어갔다. 좀처럼 추격을 허용하지 않는 듯했다. 승부가 요동친 것은 후반이었다. 임희정과 김민솔이 타수를 줄이며 압박해오는 가운데 최예림은 14번홀(파4)에서 보기를 범했다. 이어 16번홀(파4)에서도 한 타를 잃으면서 임희정과의 격차는 어느새 1타까지 좁혀졌다. 수차례 우승 직전에서 고개를 숙였던 기억이 떠오를 만한 상황이었다. 그러나 이날 최예림은 달랐다. 17번홀(파3)에서는 티샷이 그린을 살짝 벗어났지만 파를 지켜냈고, 마지막 18번홀(파4)에서도 티샷이 러프로 향하는 위기를 맞았다. 최예림은 흔들리지 않고 세 번째 샷을 그린에 올린 뒤 침착하게 파 퍼트를 마무리했다. 마지막 퍼트가 홀에 떨어지는 순간 최예림은 두 팔을 번쩍 들어 올렸다. 그린 주변에서 기다리던 동료 선수들은 달려와 물을 뿌리며 생애 첫 우승을 축하했다. [서울=뉴스핌] 이웅희 기자=최예림이 OK저축은행 읏맨 오픈 우승 후 양손을 들어 올리며 기뻐하고 있다. [사진=KLPGA] 2026.09.06 iaspire@newspim.com 경기 뒤 최예림은 ""어제 경기 후 자기 최면을 걸어야겠다고 생각했다. 오늘은 일부러 스코어도 거의 보지 않았다"며 "정말 우승을 했다는 게 아직 얼떨떨하고 기쁘다"고 소감을 밝혔다. 최예림은 "연장전에서도 계속 졌지만, 거꾸로 생각하면 내가 계속 우승 경쟁을 할 수 있는 선수라는 의미라고 생각했다"며 "그 과정에서 '나도 충분히 우승할 자격이 있다'는 자신감이 생겼다"고 돌아봤다. 눈물 대신 웃음이 먼저 나왔다. 최예림은 "원래 눈물이 많은 편이라 우승하면 많이 울 줄 알았는데 막상 끝나고 나니 너무 좋다는 생각뿐이었다"며 "준우승을 하고 집에 돌아가면 잠을 못 잔 적도 많았다. 이제는 두 다리 뻗고 푹 잘 수 있을 것 같다"고 웃었다. 한편 임희정은 이날 6타를 줄이며 맹추격했지만 최종합계 9언더파 207타로 2위에 자리했다. 시즌 4승에 도전했던 신인 김민솔은 8언더파 208타로 단독 3위를 기록했다. 이예원과 박보겸이 나란히 6언더파 210타로 공동 4위에 올랐고, 최근 2주 연속 우승을 노렸던 신다인은 5언더파 211타로 성유진과 공동 6위를 차지했다. 미국여자프로골프(LPGA) 투어에서 활약하다 이번 대회에 출전한 이동은은 공동 12위, 김아림은 공동 14위로 대회를 마쳤다. iaspire@newspim.com 2026-09-06 20:49
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