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※ 번역할 언어 선택

Chairman Ben S. Bernanke
At the ACCIÓN Texas Summit on Microfinance in the United States, San Antonio, Texas
November 6, 2007

Microfinance in the United States

Last month I had the pleasure of meeting with someone very well known to this audience but not so well known to Americans generally: Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Perhaps more than any other individual, Dr. Yunus inspired the movement that has become known as microfinance. In 1976, Dr. Yunus founded the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, which became one of the pioneers of the concept of offering small loans to people deemed too poor or insufficiently creditworthy to qualify for traditional bank loans.

The organization and the larger movement it helped spawn have financed the entrepreneurial aspirations of many thousands of people. The great majority of those who have benefited from Grameen Bank loans have been women, particularly poor rural women. Microfinance has offered borrowers, in Dr. Yunus's words, "a fair chance to unleash their energy and creativity" (Yunus, 2006). His innovative thinking and dedication to poverty relief through the extension of credit were honored in 2006 by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. And the movement itself was recognized when the United Nations declared 2005 to be the International Year of Microcredit.1

The microfinance, or microcredit, movement has spread throughout the world--to other parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and, more recently, to the United States. Although the social and economic contexts differ widely across countries, the fundamental purpose of microfinance programs remains the same: to offer small loans and other financial services to low-income people to help them increase their incomes through entrepreneurship and self-employment.

Acción Texas has been an exemplar of the movement in the United States. I am very pleased to speak at your summit meeting today for many reasons, not the least of which is the opportunity to visit again with Janie Barrera, the president of Acción Texas. I had the pleasure of working with Janie when she was a member of the Federal Reserve Board's Consumer Advisory Council, which has been an invaluable resource for the Board over the years on all aspects of consumer protection regulation and community development initiatives. Soon after I became a member of the Board in 2002, Janie collaborated with the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas to invite me and one of my fellow Board members, Susan Bies, to Brownsville, Texas. We toured local housing and community development projects and visited a small business that had gotten its start with the help of a microloan from Acción Texas.

In the remainder of my remarks I will speak about the development of the microfinance movement in the United States, putting it into an international context and discussing as well how it fits into the broader landscape of small business financing in this country. I will close with some thoughts on the challenges facing the U.S. movement as it continues to grow and mature.

The Development of the U.S. Microfinance Movement
Although the United States came relatively late to the microfinance movement, experimentation in the 1980s and 1990s laid the groundwork for the lively network of programs we see today. Acción has been at the forefront of the development of microfinance in the United States. Acción International began its microlending activities in Latin America in 1961 and established an affiliate organization in the United States, Acción USA, in 1991. Over the years, the U.S. Acción network has grown to become one of the country's largest microfinance providers. Since its founding, the U.S. Acción network has loaned $180 million to nearly 20,000 borrowers in thirty-five states.2

Of course, the operational details of U.S. microfinance programs differ significantly from those in overseas programs, but as I mentioned, they share similar goals and core values. As it does in developing countries, the microfinance movement in the United States seeks to expand economic opportunities for individuals and to foster community economic development by providing small loans and other business services to people who have been traditionally underserved by mainstream financial institutions. Loan features--including size, collateral requirements, and repayment terms--are typically more flexible than those of standard bank loans and are tailored to the needs of low- and moderate-income entrepreneurs.

In the United States, however, credit is only one part of the microfinance package. To a greater extent than overseas, microfinance programs here have expanded their offerings to deliver education, training, and various other services to nascent entrepreneurs. The goals of these supplemental activities are twofold: to improve the survival rate of the borrowers' start-up businesses and to mitigate credit risks for the lender. Several factors have driven the U.S. microfinance industry to diversify beyond simply lending. The complexity of the U.S. market for financial services requires greater financial management skills than are typically needed in developing countries. Here, even very small businesses are likely to have to deal with factors--such as taxes, licenses, and zoning laws--that can prove daunting hurdles to the inexperienced, aspiring business owner (Assanie and Virmani, 2006). By contrast, entrepreneurs in developing countries tend to operate in the informal sector, often out of the sight of regulators and tax authorities. Yet another difference between the U.S. context and that of the developing world is that, in the United States, aspiring entrepreneurs may have access to alternative sources of credit. Although they may not be able to obtain traditional small business loans, some can qualify for credit cards, home equity credit lines, or other alternatives to microcredit, whereas many of Grameen Bank's clients in Bangladesh, for example, have no such alternatives. Thus, while lending remains a very important part of U.S. microfinance programs, it is not as central to the broader mission as is typically the case in the developing world.

In helping local enterprises get under way, microfinance organizations help deliver the social benefits often associated with such businesses. For example, microentrepreneurs often involve their family members in their businesses, providing them valuable work experience; and extra income can confer important advantages on future generations, such as a chance for a better education. In addition, entrepreneurs may benefit communities and local economies in multiple ways, as this story of a woman who resides in one of Houston's poorest neighborhoods illustrates. Observing the lack of grocery stores in her community, she approached Acción Texas for funds to open a small organic food store and restaurant. With the help of the microloan, she created a viable business while also improving the options for food shopping in her community. She also provides various services, including neighborhood cooking classes that promote healthy eating habits.

The Place of Microfinance in the Landscape of Small Business Finance
Although comprehensive data on U.S. microfinance as a whole is scarce, many U.S. microfinance institutions measure and track their own performance. Acción Texas, for instance, reports that it loaned $42 million between 1994 and 2005. It estimates that those loans created 982 new jobs and generated about $78 million in economic activity (including earnings of about $25 million and local tax revenue of $4.5 million).3 Thus, despite gaps in the aggregate data, we can get some sense of how microfinance fits into the overall picture of small business finance.

Small businesses, generally defined as firms having fewer than 500 employees, have always played a vital role in the U.S. economy. Together, they employ more than half of private-sector workers and produce more than half of private-sector output (Board of Governors, 2007). The enterprises that microlenders finance are, of course, the very smallest of small businesses, but such firms make up a substantial share of the U.S. small business sector: 20 percent of small businesses in the United States have only one individual working in the firm, and 40 percent have two to four people working. Among these smaller firms, nearly 25 percent were founded or acquired by a new owner within the past four years.

Thus microenterprises not only provide a path to economic self-reliance for owner-entrepreneurs and benefit their local communities, but they are also important for the economy as a whole. There is some truth to the popular image of the successful firm which had its beginnings in someone's garage. Microenterprises can grow into small businesses, and small businesses can grow into large firms. Thus, microfinance plays the role of business incubator by compensating for the difficulties faced by very small firms and startups in obtaining credit from established financial intermediaries. These difficulties arise because lending to small businesses is typically considered riskier and more costly than lending to larger firms. Small businesses are often more susceptible to changes in the broader economy and generally have a much higher rate of failure than larger operations, although the survival rate of small firms increases with age (Knaup, 2005).Collateral may be used to help mitigate the risk to lenders, but the smallest and youngest firms often have few assets available to pledge. Besides being riskier, lending to small firms can be more expensive. It costs more per dollar loaned both to evaluate their credit applications and to monitor their ongoing performance. Many small businesses lack detailed balance sheets and other financial information used by underwriters in making lending decisions. And the small firm does not issue publicly traded debt or other securities whose values in the marketplace serve as a signal of its profit expectations.

Of course, despite these challenges, many smaller businesses do manage to obtain the credit and capital they need. Community banks, which rely on personal relationships and knowledge of the local market to assess credit risks, have long been a source of funding for small business. The development of more-sophisticated techniques in small business loan underwriting, including the use of credit scoring, has helped make small business lending more attractive to larger institutions as well (Cowan and Cowan, 2006). And research demonstrates that internal finance--that is, financing from the personal resources of owners, family, friends, and business associates--can help offset a lack of access to capital and is crucial to both new and established small enterprises (Rosen, 1998; Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen, 1994a,b). For some potential low-income entrepreneurs, however, none of these options is feasible. Microfinance was designed to bridge this gap.

The Future of Microfinance in the United States
As I have emphasized, microenterprise development programs in the United States are about much more than the extension of credit, though access to credit remains a central concern. Many programs take a holistic approach, offering interconnected services that complement lending activities and are targeted at entrepreneurs at each stage of business development. Services being offered include up-front business training; specialized technical assistance; mentoring programs; sector-specific advice and support; networking opportunities; coordinated sales and marketing programs; and the development of formal links with banks, local community colleges, and other institutions (Edgcomb and Klein, 2005). Of course, many start-up businesses don't make it; that's an inescapable aspect of the risks that small business entrepreneurs face. But the services provided by microenterprise programs offer borrowers a strong foundation in the fundamentals of running a business and give their businesses a better chance to grow and flourish in a competitive marketplace.

These services benefit the lender by making the borrowers more creditworthy, but providing these services to budding entrepreneurs is labor intensive and requires considerable expertise. Because microfinance clients are rarely able to pay for these services, the costs have generally been underwritten by philanthropic efforts and public-private partnerships. Whether U.S. microfinance programs can become financially self-sustaining is a key question for the future.

Currently, microenterprise organizations are experimenting with business models in the effort to promote self-sustainability. Some are trying to enhance their profitability by offering a wider array of fee-based services, such as check cashing and the facilitation of remittances. Others have turned to technology to reduce their costs. Acción USA, for instance, has reduced transaction, underwriting, and servicing costs through an Internet lending initiative.4 It has also reduced its training costs through online and distance-learning courses. Another web-based effort, MicroMentor, matches inexperienced entrepreneurs with more experienced businesspeople, thereby providing important assistance to new business owners at a relatively low cost (http://www.micromentor.org/ Leaving the Board). The Association for Enterprise Opportunity, the principal trade association for microenterprise programs, serves as a forum for learning about innovations, developments, and best practices in this field (http://www.microenterpriseworks.org/ Leaving the Board).

Another promising avenue for the future of microfinance is the development of more partnerships with mainstream banking institutions. Mainstream banks typically don't offer the array of supportive services found at microlenders. But by partnering with a microlender that incubates very small businesses, mainstream institutions can gain new customers when the borrowers "graduate" from the microfinance program and seek larger loans. And these new customers will be more creditworthy borrowers because of the early support they received from the microfinance organization. Acción Texas and other microfinance organizations have established several mutually beneficial partnerships with large banking institutions. Such partnerships serve as two-way referral systems between the microlenders and large banks and help break down the barriers between mainstream institutions and underserved entrepreneurs.

Conclusion
To sum up, I want to affirm the important role that microfinance plays in bringing the opportunity for entrepreneurship to people who otherwise might not have it. Although some businesses will inevitably fall by the wayside, those that flourish and grow are likely to have better management and better long-term prospects than they would have without the support of microenterprise programs. Successful microbusinesses provide jobs as well as valuable products and services to their communities. Not least important, they can provide economic independence and self-reliance for the owner-entrepreneurs. The full benefits of this movement are difficult to calculate. Indeed, one important challenge for the future is to find ways to better measure the impact and cost effectiveness of microfinance programs. What is clear is that the microfinance movement has grown and adapted considerably during its short history in the United States. I hope that microfinance organizations will sustain their energetic spirit of innovation and experimentation as they strive to become more self-sufficient and adapt to our ever-changing economy.



References

Assanie, Laila, and Raghav Virmani (2006). "Incubating Microfinance: The Texas Border Experience," Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (September/October), pp. 3-7.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2007). Report to the Congress on the Availability of Credit to Small Businesses. Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October.

Carr, James H., and Zhong Yi Tong, eds. (2002). Replicating Microfinance in the United States. Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

Cowan, Charles D., and Adrian M. Cowan (2006). "A Survey-Based Assessment of Financial Institution Use of Credit Scoring for Small Business Lending (690 KB PDF)." Washington: U.S. Small Business Administration, Office of Advocacy, November.

Edgcomb, Elaine L., and Joyce A. Klein (2005). "Opening Opportunities, Building Ownership: Fulfilling the Promise of Microenterprise in the United States." Leaving the BoardWashington: Microenterprise Fund for Innovation, Effectiveness, Learning and Development (FIELD) at the Aspen Institute, February, www.fieldus.org/Projects/MovingForward.html.

Holtz-Eakin, Douglas, David Joulfaian, and Harvey S. Rosen (1994a). "Entrepreneurial Decisions and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board RAND Journal of Economics, vol. 24 (Summer), pp. 334-47.

_________ (1994b). "Sticking It Out: Entrepreneurial Survival and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board Journal of Political Economy, vol. 102 (February), pp. 53-75.

Knaup, Amy E. (2005). "Survival and Longevity in the Business Employment Dynamics Data," Monthly Labor Review, vol. 128 (May), pp. 50-56.

Rosen, Harvey S. (1998). "The Future of Entrepreneurial Finance," Leaving the Board Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 22 (August), pp. 1105-07.

Yunus, Muhammad (2006). "Nobel Lecture," Leaving the Board acceptance speech delivered at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, Oslo, December 10, www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates.

Footnotes

1. Additional information is available on the United Nations website, "International Year of Microcredit," www.yearofmicrocredit.org. Leaving the Board

2. Acción USA, About Us: Our Impact, Leaving the Board www.accionusa.org/site/c.lvKVL9MUIsG/b.1388811/k.46F7/ACCIONs_Impact_on_Small_Businesses.htm.

3. Acción Texas, "Economic and Community Impact of Acción Texas, 1994-2005," Leaving the Board www.acciontexas.org/economic_impact_report.php.

4. Acción USA, Get a Loan Leaving the Board, https://secure.accionusa.org.

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SK하이닉스 17년만에 상한가 [서울=뉴스핌] 양태훈 기자 = SK하이닉스가 31일 장중 상한가에 진입하면서 최태원 SK그룹 회장의 반도체 승부수가 다시 주목받고 있다. 반도체 불황 속에서 SK하이닉스 인수를 밀어붙였던 최 회장이 최근 주가 급락 국면에서 개인 명의로 처음 자사주를 사들인 지 하루 만에 주가는 가격제한폭까지 올랐다. 한국거래소에 따르면 이날 오후 2시 21분 기준 SK하이닉스는 전 거래일보다 39만6000원(29.95%) 오른 171만8000원에 거래되고 있다. 장중 고가이자 가격제한폭 상단이다. 거래량은 853만6822주를 기록 중이다. 최 회장이 보유한 SK하이닉스 주식 3620주의 평가액은 현재가 기준 62억1916만원이다. 공시상 취득금액 49억31만740원과 비교하면 미실현 평가이익은 13억1884만9260원이다. [사진=뉴스핌DB, AI 인포그래픽=서영욱 기자] 매수 당일 종가인 132만2000원을 적용한 평가액은 47억8564만원으로 취득금액보다 약 1억1467만원 낮았다. 주식을 사들인 직후에는 평가손실을 기록했지만, 이튿날 주가가 상한가로 급반등하면서 하루 만에 13억원대 평가이익으로 전환됐다. 이번 매수는 단순한 내부자 주식 취득 이상의 의미로 받아들여지고 있다. 최 회장이 그룹의 사업 구조를 반도체 중심으로 바꾼 SK하이닉스 인수의 당사자인 데다, 최근에도 AI 시대 메모리 수요와 SK하이닉스의 장기 경쟁력에 대한 자신감을 거듭 드러냈기 때문이다. SK의 반도체 사업 구상은 최 회장의 부친인 최종현 선대회장 시절로 거슬러 올라간다. 최 선대회장은 1978년 선경반도체를 세우며 반도체 진출을 추진했지만 2차 오일쇼크로 계획을 접었다. 이후 최 회장이 2011년 하이닉스반도체(현 SK하이닉스) 인수를 결정하고 2012년 SK하이닉스를 출범시키면서 30여 년간 이어진 반도체 사업 구상이 현실화됐다. 최 회장은 당시 출범식에서 "30여년 만에 반도체 사업 진출의 꿈을 이뤘다"고 말했다. SK하이닉스 인수는 당시에도 순탄한 결정은 아니었다. 반도체 업황이 침체돼 있었고, 정유·통신을 주력으로 하던 SK와의 사업적 연계가 뚜렷하지 않다는 반대 의견이 적지 않았다. 15년 전 업황 부진기에 회사 인수를 결정했던 최 회장이 이번에는 주가 급락기에 직접 주주로 나섰다는 점도 주목된다. 금융감독원 전자공시에 따르면 최 회장은 전날 장내에서 SK하이닉스 보통주 3620주를 매입했다. 최 회장이 SK스퀘어를 통하지 않고 개인 명의로 SK하이닉스 주식을 보유한 것은 이번이 처음이다. 취득단가는 주당 135만3677원이며 총취득액은 49억31만740원이다. 내부자거래 사전공시 기준인 50억원보다 9968만9260원 적다. 현행 자본시장법상 상장사 임원이나 주요주주가 발행주식 총수의 1% 이상 또는 50억원 이상을 거래하려면 거래 개시 30일 전까지 매매계획을 공시해야 한다. 거래 수량이 발행주식 총수의 1% 미만이면서 거래금액도 50억원 미만이면 사전공시 의무가 면제된다. 시장에서는 최 회장이 사전공시 의무가 발생하지 않는 범위에서 매입 규모를 최대한 늘려 최근 급락장에서 신속하게 책임경영 의지를 나타낸 것이라는 해석이 나온다. 한편 최 회장은 지난 17일 열린 대한상공회의소 제주포럼에서 SK하이닉스 주식에 대해 "샀다 팔았다 하지 말고 가만히 갖고 있는 게 재산 보전에 좋은 방법"이라며 "메모리는 앞으로도 계속 필요하기 때문에 시간을 주면 우상향으로 간다"고 자신감을 내비친 바 있다. dconnect@newspim.com 2026-07-31 14:38
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민주당 당대표 여론조사 보니 [서울=뉴스핌] 배정원 기자 = 8·17 더불어민주당 전당대회 당대표 적합도·선호도 여론조사에서 일반 국민은 정청래 후보, 민주당 지지층에선 김민석 후보가 앞서는 흐름이다. 오는 8월 1일 충청권 첫 지역 순회 합동 연설회와 경선 결과 발표를 앞두고 있어 민주당 전대 열기가 더욱 후끈 달아오르고 있다.     [서울=뉴스핌] 국회사진기자단 = 김민석(왼쪽부터), 정청래, 송영길 더불어민주당 당대표 후보가 29일 오후 서울 마포구 MBC에서 열린 방송토론회에서 기념촬영을 하고 있다. 2026.07.29 photo@newspim.com ◆ NBS, 정청래 21% 김민석 19% 송영길 6% 엠브레인퍼블릭·케이스탯리서치·코리아리서치·한국리서치가 지난 27~29일 전국 성인 남녀 1000명을 대상으로 전화 면접조사를 진행한 NBS(전국지표조사)에 따르면, 차기 당대표 적합도 정청래 후보 21%, 김민석 후보 19%, 송영길 후보 6% 순이었다. 민주당 지지층에서는 김 후보 34%, 정 후보 29%, 송 후보가 9%로 나타났다. NBS 조사는 휴대전화 가상번호(100%)를 이용한 전화 면접으로 이뤄졌다. ◆ 오마이뉴스 민주당 지지층, 김민석 41.6% 정청래 37.7% 송영길 9.5% 오마이뉴스 의뢰로 여론조사기관 에스티아이(STI)가 지난 27~28일 전국 18살 이상 성인 남녀 중 민주당 지지층과 무당층 1184명을 대상으로 실시한 당대표 후보 지지도 조사에서 김 후보 41.6%, 정 후보 37.7%, 송 후보 9.5%였다. 오마이뉴스 조사는 구조화된 질문지를 사용한 휴대전화 자동응답(ARS) 방식으로 진행됐다.  ◆ 뉴스토마토, 정청래 36.9% 김민석 28.0%, 송영길 9.2% 뉴스토마토가 여론조사 전문기관 미디어토마토에 의뢰해 지난 27~28일 전국 18살 이상 남녀 1033명을 대상으로 한 조사에서는 차기 당대표 선호도 1순위로 정 후보가 36.9%였다. 김 후보는 28.0%, 송 후보는 9.2%였다.  민주당 지지층에서는 김 후보가 44.9%로 정 후보 38.9%보다 높은 지지를 얻었다. 송 후보는 11.2%였다.  선호투표제 도입에 맞춰 실시한 2순위 선호도 조사에서는 송 후보가 33.9%로 가장 높은 응답을 받았다. 이어 김 후보가 12.9%, 정 후보 9.0% 순이다. 송 후보를 2순위로 선택한 57.9%는 김 후보를 1순위로 꼽았다. 36.9%는 정 후보를 선택했다. 미디어토마토 조사는 무선 전화 ARS 방식으로 진행됐다. 민주당은 이번 당대표 선거에 선호투표제를 처음 도입했다. 선호투표제는 유권자가 후보 한 명만 선택하는 것이 아니라 1·2·3순위 선호 후보를 함께 기입하는 방식이다. 먼저 1순위 득표를 집계해 과반 득표자가 나오면 그대로 당선자가 결정된다. 과반 득표자가 없을 땐 최하위 득표자의 2순위 표를 배분한다. 각 여론조사의 자세한 사항은 중앙선거여론조사심의위원회 홈페이지를 참조하면 된다.  jeongwon1026@newspim.com 2026-07-31 10:20
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