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※ 번역할 언어 선택

Chairman Ben S. Bernanke
At the ACCIÓN Texas Summit on Microfinance in the United States, San Antonio, Texas
November 6, 2007

Microfinance in the United States

Last month I had the pleasure of meeting with someone very well known to this audience but not so well known to Americans generally: Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Perhaps more than any other individual, Dr. Yunus inspired the movement that has become known as microfinance. In 1976, Dr. Yunus founded the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, which became one of the pioneers of the concept of offering small loans to people deemed too poor or insufficiently creditworthy to qualify for traditional bank loans.

The organization and the larger movement it helped spawn have financed the entrepreneurial aspirations of many thousands of people. The great majority of those who have benefited from Grameen Bank loans have been women, particularly poor rural women. Microfinance has offered borrowers, in Dr. Yunus's words, "a fair chance to unleash their energy and creativity" (Yunus, 2006). His innovative thinking and dedication to poverty relief through the extension of credit were honored in 2006 by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. And the movement itself was recognized when the United Nations declared 2005 to be the International Year of Microcredit.1

The microfinance, or microcredit, movement has spread throughout the world--to other parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and, more recently, to the United States. Although the social and economic contexts differ widely across countries, the fundamental purpose of microfinance programs remains the same: to offer small loans and other financial services to low-income people to help them increase their incomes through entrepreneurship and self-employment.

Acción Texas has been an exemplar of the movement in the United States. I am very pleased to speak at your summit meeting today for many reasons, not the least of which is the opportunity to visit again with Janie Barrera, the president of Acción Texas. I had the pleasure of working with Janie when she was a member of the Federal Reserve Board's Consumer Advisory Council, which has been an invaluable resource for the Board over the years on all aspects of consumer protection regulation and community development initiatives. Soon after I became a member of the Board in 2002, Janie collaborated with the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas to invite me and one of my fellow Board members, Susan Bies, to Brownsville, Texas. We toured local housing and community development projects and visited a small business that had gotten its start with the help of a microloan from Acción Texas.

In the remainder of my remarks I will speak about the development of the microfinance movement in the United States, putting it into an international context and discussing as well how it fits into the broader landscape of small business financing in this country. I will close with some thoughts on the challenges facing the U.S. movement as it continues to grow and mature.

The Development of the U.S. Microfinance Movement
Although the United States came relatively late to the microfinance movement, experimentation in the 1980s and 1990s laid the groundwork for the lively network of programs we see today. Acción has been at the forefront of the development of microfinance in the United States. Acción International began its microlending activities in Latin America in 1961 and established an affiliate organization in the United States, Acción USA, in 1991. Over the years, the U.S. Acción network has grown to become one of the country's largest microfinance providers. Since its founding, the U.S. Acción network has loaned $180 million to nearly 20,000 borrowers in thirty-five states.2

Of course, the operational details of U.S. microfinance programs differ significantly from those in overseas programs, but as I mentioned, they share similar goals and core values. As it does in developing countries, the microfinance movement in the United States seeks to expand economic opportunities for individuals and to foster community economic development by providing small loans and other business services to people who have been traditionally underserved by mainstream financial institutions. Loan features--including size, collateral requirements, and repayment terms--are typically more flexible than those of standard bank loans and are tailored to the needs of low- and moderate-income entrepreneurs.

In the United States, however, credit is only one part of the microfinance package. To a greater extent than overseas, microfinance programs here have expanded their offerings to deliver education, training, and various other services to nascent entrepreneurs. The goals of these supplemental activities are twofold: to improve the survival rate of the borrowers' start-up businesses and to mitigate credit risks for the lender. Several factors have driven the U.S. microfinance industry to diversify beyond simply lending. The complexity of the U.S. market for financial services requires greater financial management skills than are typically needed in developing countries. Here, even very small businesses are likely to have to deal with factors--such as taxes, licenses, and zoning laws--that can prove daunting hurdles to the inexperienced, aspiring business owner (Assanie and Virmani, 2006). By contrast, entrepreneurs in developing countries tend to operate in the informal sector, often out of the sight of regulators and tax authorities. Yet another difference between the U.S. context and that of the developing world is that, in the United States, aspiring entrepreneurs may have access to alternative sources of credit. Although they may not be able to obtain traditional small business loans, some can qualify for credit cards, home equity credit lines, or other alternatives to microcredit, whereas many of Grameen Bank's clients in Bangladesh, for example, have no such alternatives. Thus, while lending remains a very important part of U.S. microfinance programs, it is not as central to the broader mission as is typically the case in the developing world.

In helping local enterprises get under way, microfinance organizations help deliver the social benefits often associated with such businesses. For example, microentrepreneurs often involve their family members in their businesses, providing them valuable work experience; and extra income can confer important advantages on future generations, such as a chance for a better education. In addition, entrepreneurs may benefit communities and local economies in multiple ways, as this story of a woman who resides in one of Houston's poorest neighborhoods illustrates. Observing the lack of grocery stores in her community, she approached Acción Texas for funds to open a small organic food store and restaurant. With the help of the microloan, she created a viable business while also improving the options for food shopping in her community. She also provides various services, including neighborhood cooking classes that promote healthy eating habits.

The Place of Microfinance in the Landscape of Small Business Finance
Although comprehensive data on U.S. microfinance as a whole is scarce, many U.S. microfinance institutions measure and track their own performance. Acción Texas, for instance, reports that it loaned $42 million between 1994 and 2005. It estimates that those loans created 982 new jobs and generated about $78 million in economic activity (including earnings of about $25 million and local tax revenue of $4.5 million).3 Thus, despite gaps in the aggregate data, we can get some sense of how microfinance fits into the overall picture of small business finance.

Small businesses, generally defined as firms having fewer than 500 employees, have always played a vital role in the U.S. economy. Together, they employ more than half of private-sector workers and produce more than half of private-sector output (Board of Governors, 2007). The enterprises that microlenders finance are, of course, the very smallest of small businesses, but such firms make up a substantial share of the U.S. small business sector: 20 percent of small businesses in the United States have only one individual working in the firm, and 40 percent have two to four people working. Among these smaller firms, nearly 25 percent were founded or acquired by a new owner within the past four years.

Thus microenterprises not only provide a path to economic self-reliance for owner-entrepreneurs and benefit their local communities, but they are also important for the economy as a whole. There is some truth to the popular image of the successful firm which had its beginnings in someone's garage. Microenterprises can grow into small businesses, and small businesses can grow into large firms. Thus, microfinance plays the role of business incubator by compensating for the difficulties faced by very small firms and startups in obtaining credit from established financial intermediaries. These difficulties arise because lending to small businesses is typically considered riskier and more costly than lending to larger firms. Small businesses are often more susceptible to changes in the broader economy and generally have a much higher rate of failure than larger operations, although the survival rate of small firms increases with age (Knaup, 2005).Collateral may be used to help mitigate the risk to lenders, but the smallest and youngest firms often have few assets available to pledge. Besides being riskier, lending to small firms can be more expensive. It costs more per dollar loaned both to evaluate their credit applications and to monitor their ongoing performance. Many small businesses lack detailed balance sheets and other financial information used by underwriters in making lending decisions. And the small firm does not issue publicly traded debt or other securities whose values in the marketplace serve as a signal of its profit expectations.

Of course, despite these challenges, many smaller businesses do manage to obtain the credit and capital they need. Community banks, which rely on personal relationships and knowledge of the local market to assess credit risks, have long been a source of funding for small business. The development of more-sophisticated techniques in small business loan underwriting, including the use of credit scoring, has helped make small business lending more attractive to larger institutions as well (Cowan and Cowan, 2006). And research demonstrates that internal finance--that is, financing from the personal resources of owners, family, friends, and business associates--can help offset a lack of access to capital and is crucial to both new and established small enterprises (Rosen, 1998; Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen, 1994a,b). For some potential low-income entrepreneurs, however, none of these options is feasible. Microfinance was designed to bridge this gap.

The Future of Microfinance in the United States
As I have emphasized, microenterprise development programs in the United States are about much more than the extension of credit, though access to credit remains a central concern. Many programs take a holistic approach, offering interconnected services that complement lending activities and are targeted at entrepreneurs at each stage of business development. Services being offered include up-front business training; specialized technical assistance; mentoring programs; sector-specific advice and support; networking opportunities; coordinated sales and marketing programs; and the development of formal links with banks, local community colleges, and other institutions (Edgcomb and Klein, 2005). Of course, many start-up businesses don't make it; that's an inescapable aspect of the risks that small business entrepreneurs face. But the services provided by microenterprise programs offer borrowers a strong foundation in the fundamentals of running a business and give their businesses a better chance to grow and flourish in a competitive marketplace.

These services benefit the lender by making the borrowers more creditworthy, but providing these services to budding entrepreneurs is labor intensive and requires considerable expertise. Because microfinance clients are rarely able to pay for these services, the costs have generally been underwritten by philanthropic efforts and public-private partnerships. Whether U.S. microfinance programs can become financially self-sustaining is a key question for the future.

Currently, microenterprise organizations are experimenting with business models in the effort to promote self-sustainability. Some are trying to enhance their profitability by offering a wider array of fee-based services, such as check cashing and the facilitation of remittances. Others have turned to technology to reduce their costs. Acción USA, for instance, has reduced transaction, underwriting, and servicing costs through an Internet lending initiative.4 It has also reduced its training costs through online and distance-learning courses. Another web-based effort, MicroMentor, matches inexperienced entrepreneurs with more experienced businesspeople, thereby providing important assistance to new business owners at a relatively low cost (http://www.micromentor.org/ Leaving the Board). The Association for Enterprise Opportunity, the principal trade association for microenterprise programs, serves as a forum for learning about innovations, developments, and best practices in this field (http://www.microenterpriseworks.org/ Leaving the Board).

Another promising avenue for the future of microfinance is the development of more partnerships with mainstream banking institutions. Mainstream banks typically don't offer the array of supportive services found at microlenders. But by partnering with a microlender that incubates very small businesses, mainstream institutions can gain new customers when the borrowers "graduate" from the microfinance program and seek larger loans. And these new customers will be more creditworthy borrowers because of the early support they received from the microfinance organization. Acción Texas and other microfinance organizations have established several mutually beneficial partnerships with large banking institutions. Such partnerships serve as two-way referral systems between the microlenders and large banks and help break down the barriers between mainstream institutions and underserved entrepreneurs.

Conclusion
To sum up, I want to affirm the important role that microfinance plays in bringing the opportunity for entrepreneurship to people who otherwise might not have it. Although some businesses will inevitably fall by the wayside, those that flourish and grow are likely to have better management and better long-term prospects than they would have without the support of microenterprise programs. Successful microbusinesses provide jobs as well as valuable products and services to their communities. Not least important, they can provide economic independence and self-reliance for the owner-entrepreneurs. The full benefits of this movement are difficult to calculate. Indeed, one important challenge for the future is to find ways to better measure the impact and cost effectiveness of microfinance programs. What is clear is that the microfinance movement has grown and adapted considerably during its short history in the United States. I hope that microfinance organizations will sustain their energetic spirit of innovation and experimentation as they strive to become more self-sufficient and adapt to our ever-changing economy.



References

Assanie, Laila, and Raghav Virmani (2006). "Incubating Microfinance: The Texas Border Experience," Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (September/October), pp. 3-7.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2007). Report to the Congress on the Availability of Credit to Small Businesses. Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October.

Carr, James H., and Zhong Yi Tong, eds. (2002). Replicating Microfinance in the United States. Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

Cowan, Charles D., and Adrian M. Cowan (2006). "A Survey-Based Assessment of Financial Institution Use of Credit Scoring for Small Business Lending (690 KB PDF)." Washington: U.S. Small Business Administration, Office of Advocacy, November.

Edgcomb, Elaine L., and Joyce A. Klein (2005). "Opening Opportunities, Building Ownership: Fulfilling the Promise of Microenterprise in the United States." Leaving the BoardWashington: Microenterprise Fund for Innovation, Effectiveness, Learning and Development (FIELD) at the Aspen Institute, February, www.fieldus.org/Projects/MovingForward.html.

Holtz-Eakin, Douglas, David Joulfaian, and Harvey S. Rosen (1994a). "Entrepreneurial Decisions and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board RAND Journal of Economics, vol. 24 (Summer), pp. 334-47.

_________ (1994b). "Sticking It Out: Entrepreneurial Survival and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board Journal of Political Economy, vol. 102 (February), pp. 53-75.

Knaup, Amy E. (2005). "Survival and Longevity in the Business Employment Dynamics Data," Monthly Labor Review, vol. 128 (May), pp. 50-56.

Rosen, Harvey S. (1998). "The Future of Entrepreneurial Finance," Leaving the Board Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 22 (August), pp. 1105-07.

Yunus, Muhammad (2006). "Nobel Lecture," Leaving the Board acceptance speech delivered at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, Oslo, December 10, www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates.

Footnotes

1. Additional information is available on the United Nations website, "International Year of Microcredit," www.yearofmicrocredit.org. Leaving the Board

2. Acción USA, About Us: Our Impact, Leaving the Board www.accionusa.org/site/c.lvKVL9MUIsG/b.1388811/k.46F7/ACCIONs_Impact_on_Small_Businesses.htm.

3. Acción Texas, "Economic and Community Impact of Acción Texas, 1994-2005," Leaving the Board www.acciontexas.org/economic_impact_report.php.

4. Acción USA, Get a Loan Leaving the Board, https://secure.accionusa.org.

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옥주현 '190억 한남더힐' 구청에 압류됐다고? [서울=뉴스핌] 남라다 기자 = 뮤지컬 배우 옥주현씨가 190억원에 매입한 한남더힐 아파트가 경매에 넘어가면서 이전 소유자의 부동산 거래 차익도 주목받고 있다. 전 소유자는 중견기업 오너로 10년간 보유해 120억원의 차액을 벌었다.  [서울=뉴스핌] 서울 용산구 한남 더힐 전경 ◆69억원에 산 한남더힐, 190억원에 매각 11일 부동산 등기부등본에 따르면 옥주현씨는 지난해 5월 7일 전 소유자와 서울 용산구 한남더힐 전용면적 약 243㎡(약 74평) 복층형 주택의 매매계약을 체결했다. 올해 4월 10일 소유권 이전 등기를 마쳤다. 거래가격은 당시 방탄소년단(BTS) 진의 175억원 거래를 넘어선 단지 역대 최고가였다. 전 소유자는 2015년 9월 해당 주택을 69억원에 매입했다. 약 10년 사이 가격이 2.8배로 올라 매매 차액은 121억원에 달했다. 단, 세금과 금융비용 등을 차감하기 전 금액이다. 이 소유자는 매매 차익을 바탕으로 부친이 보유한 용산구 이태원동 '어퍼하우스 남산' 두 채를 각각 102억원과 103억원에 매입하는 계약도 체결했다. 중개업소를 거치지 않은 직거래였다. 두 주택은 전용면적 각각 235㎡와 233㎡로 같은 층에 나란히 자리하고 있다. 소유권 이전은 한남더힐을 옥씨에게 넘긴 날과 같은 4월 10일 이뤄졌다. 별도 근저당권이 설정되지 않아 전액 현금 매입으로 추정되지만, 한남더힐 매각대금이 사용됐는지는 확인되지 않았다. 어퍼하우스 남산은 신원종합개발이 옛 남산체육관을 리모델링해 조성한 4개 동, 19가구 규모의 고급빌라다. ◆반년 만에 경매행…차입 부담 거론 서울서부지법은 지난 10월 14일 옥씨 소유 한남더힐에 대한 임의경매 개시를 결정했다. 매매 계약한 지 약 6개월 만이다. 경매 신청 채권자는 한국금융자산관리대부이며 청구액은 약 21억7000만원이다. 등기부상 근저당권은 4건, 채권최고액 합계는 약 237억원으로 보도됐다. 채권최고액은 담보로 보장받는 채권의 한도여서 실제 대출 잔액과는 다르다. 경매 배경으로는 부동산 매입 과정에서 커진 차입 부담이 거론된다. 옥씨가 법인 명의의 신사동 건물과 한남더힐을 공동담보로 자금을 조달했으며, 관련 대출이 300억원을 웃도는 것으로 알려졌다. 제2금융권과 대부업체 차입에 따른 연간 이자 부담도 최소 20억원 이상으로 추산했다. nrd@newspim.com 2026-11-11 10:25
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고졸 생산직 10년차에 삼바 연봉 1.2억? [서울=뉴스핌] 김신영 기자 = 삼성바이오로직스가 고등학교 졸업자면 지원 가능한 생산직 신입사원을 뽑는다. 해당 직군의 9~10년차 이상 연간 보수는 1억~1억2000만원으로 알려졌다. 통상적으로 대학 졸업 이후 취업하더라도 10년차에 억대 연봉을 받을 수 있는 직군은 손에 꼽는 만큼 대졸 구직자의 관심까지 끌고 있다. 11일 제약·바이오 업계에 따르면 삼성바이오로직스는 오는 17일까지 인천 송도에서 근무할 바이오공정지원직 5급 신입사원을 모집한다. 삼성바이오로직스 전경 [사진=삼성바이오로직스] 이번 채용 분야는 바이오의약품 생산에 필요한 직·간접 지원 업무를 맡는 직군으로 고등학교 졸업자와 동등 학력 보유자, 내년 2월 이전 졸업 예정자면 지원할 수 있다. 바이오 계열 전공자나 유관 과목 이수자는 우대하며 직무에 따라 주간근무나 교대근무가 적용된다. 삼성바이오로직스의 바이오공정지원직은 업계 생산직 중에서도 연봉이 높은 편이다. 초봉은 교대근무 기준 6000만원~7000만원까지 알려졌다. 5년차는 8500만원 이상의 연봉을 수령하며, 9~10년차 이상은 1억~1억2000만원 수준으로 전해진다.  생산직은 여기에 근무 형태에 따른 수당이 붙을 수 있다. 교대근무자는 야간이나 휴일에 일하는 시간에 따라 수당이 달라진다. 연봉 총액이 알려진 수준보다 더 올라갈 수 있는 셈이다. 이 같은 보수 조건은 대졸 구직자에게도 지원을 고려해볼 만한 요소로 작용하고 있다. 국세청 연말정산 통계에 따르면 2024년 귀속 근로소득 신고자 가운데 총급여가 1억원을 넘은 비율은 7.3%였다. 전체 근로자 100명 중 7명꼴로, 10년 안팎의 근속자가 억대 보수를 받는 경우는 흔치 않다는 의미다.  이에 대졸자도 생산직에 지원할 수 있는지는 이전 채용에서도 관심사였다. 삼성바이오로직스가 지난해 7월 바이오공정지원직 5급 신입사원을 모집할 당시 직장인 커뮤니티 블라인드에는 대졸자 선발 여부를 묻는 글이 올라왔다.  삼성바이오로직스가 높은 보수를 지급할 수 있는 배경에는 가파른 실적 성장과 이에 연동된 성과급이 있다. 그 결과 직원 1인당 평균 급여는 2021년 7900만원에서 2022년 9200만원, 2023년 9900만원으로 올랐다. 2024년에는 1억700만원으로 처음 1억원을 넘겼고 지난해에는 1억1400만원까지 올라갔다. 4년 만에 3500만원, 44.3% 늘었다. 연평균 증가율은 10%에 달한다. 국내 주요 제약·바이오 기업들의 평균 연봉과 비교해도 업계 최상위권이다. 지난해 사업보고서 기준 셀트리온의 평균 연봉은 1억700만원, 유한양행 1억원, SK바이오사이언스 6800만원 등으로 집계됐다. 삼성바이오로직스는 임직원의 주거와 통근, 식비 부담을 덜어주는 복지 제도도 운영하고 있다. 서울·경기권 거주자를 위한 출퇴근 셔틀버스를 운행하고, 셔틀 이용이 어려운 경우 내부 검토를 거쳐 기숙사를 제공한다. 사내 식당에서는 한식·일식·중식·양식 등 8가지 이상의 식사 선택지를 무료로 제공한다. 송도 근무를 위해 거주지를 옮기거나 장거리 통근을 해야 하는 신입사원은 입사 초기 생활비를 줄일 수 있는 환경이다. 한 업계 관계자는 "삼성바이오로직스는 기본연봉이 높은 편이고, 교대근무에 따른 야간·주말 수당까지 더해지면 연간 보수가 더 높아진다"며 "바이오 관련 전공을 살려 생산직에 취업하려는 고졸·전문대졸 구직자들이 입사를 우선적으로 고려하는 이유"라고 말했다. sykim@newspim.com 2026-11-11 14:23
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