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Chairman Ben S. Bernanke
At the ACCIÓN Texas Summit on Microfinance in the United States, San Antonio, Texas
November 6, 2007

Microfinance in the United States

Last month I had the pleasure of meeting with someone very well known to this audience but not so well known to Americans generally: Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Perhaps more than any other individual, Dr. Yunus inspired the movement that has become known as microfinance. In 1976, Dr. Yunus founded the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, which became one of the pioneers of the concept of offering small loans to people deemed too poor or insufficiently creditworthy to qualify for traditional bank loans.

The organization and the larger movement it helped spawn have financed the entrepreneurial aspirations of many thousands of people. The great majority of those who have benefited from Grameen Bank loans have been women, particularly poor rural women. Microfinance has offered borrowers, in Dr. Yunus's words, "a fair chance to unleash their energy and creativity" (Yunus, 2006). His innovative thinking and dedication to poverty relief through the extension of credit were honored in 2006 by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. And the movement itself was recognized when the United Nations declared 2005 to be the International Year of Microcredit.1

The microfinance, or microcredit, movement has spread throughout the world--to other parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and, more recently, to the United States. Although the social and economic contexts differ widely across countries, the fundamental purpose of microfinance programs remains the same: to offer small loans and other financial services to low-income people to help them increase their incomes through entrepreneurship and self-employment.

Acción Texas has been an exemplar of the movement in the United States. I am very pleased to speak at your summit meeting today for many reasons, not the least of which is the opportunity to visit again with Janie Barrera, the president of Acción Texas. I had the pleasure of working with Janie when she was a member of the Federal Reserve Board's Consumer Advisory Council, which has been an invaluable resource for the Board over the years on all aspects of consumer protection regulation and community development initiatives. Soon after I became a member of the Board in 2002, Janie collaborated with the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas to invite me and one of my fellow Board members, Susan Bies, to Brownsville, Texas. We toured local housing and community development projects and visited a small business that had gotten its start with the help of a microloan from Acción Texas.

In the remainder of my remarks I will speak about the development of the microfinance movement in the United States, putting it into an international context and discussing as well how it fits into the broader landscape of small business financing in this country. I will close with some thoughts on the challenges facing the U.S. movement as it continues to grow and mature.

The Development of the U.S. Microfinance Movement
Although the United States came relatively late to the microfinance movement, experimentation in the 1980s and 1990s laid the groundwork for the lively network of programs we see today. Acción has been at the forefront of the development of microfinance in the United States. Acción International began its microlending activities in Latin America in 1961 and established an affiliate organization in the United States, Acción USA, in 1991. Over the years, the U.S. Acción network has grown to become one of the country's largest microfinance providers. Since its founding, the U.S. Acción network has loaned $180 million to nearly 20,000 borrowers in thirty-five states.2

Of course, the operational details of U.S. microfinance programs differ significantly from those in overseas programs, but as I mentioned, they share similar goals and core values. As it does in developing countries, the microfinance movement in the United States seeks to expand economic opportunities for individuals and to foster community economic development by providing small loans and other business services to people who have been traditionally underserved by mainstream financial institutions. Loan features--including size, collateral requirements, and repayment terms--are typically more flexible than those of standard bank loans and are tailored to the needs of low- and moderate-income entrepreneurs.

In the United States, however, credit is only one part of the microfinance package. To a greater extent than overseas, microfinance programs here have expanded their offerings to deliver education, training, and various other services to nascent entrepreneurs. The goals of these supplemental activities are twofold: to improve the survival rate of the borrowers' start-up businesses and to mitigate credit risks for the lender. Several factors have driven the U.S. microfinance industry to diversify beyond simply lending. The complexity of the U.S. market for financial services requires greater financial management skills than are typically needed in developing countries. Here, even very small businesses are likely to have to deal with factors--such as taxes, licenses, and zoning laws--that can prove daunting hurdles to the inexperienced, aspiring business owner (Assanie and Virmani, 2006). By contrast, entrepreneurs in developing countries tend to operate in the informal sector, often out of the sight of regulators and tax authorities. Yet another difference between the U.S. context and that of the developing world is that, in the United States, aspiring entrepreneurs may have access to alternative sources of credit. Although they may not be able to obtain traditional small business loans, some can qualify for credit cards, home equity credit lines, or other alternatives to microcredit, whereas many of Grameen Bank's clients in Bangladesh, for example, have no such alternatives. Thus, while lending remains a very important part of U.S. microfinance programs, it is not as central to the broader mission as is typically the case in the developing world.

In helping local enterprises get under way, microfinance organizations help deliver the social benefits often associated with such businesses. For example, microentrepreneurs often involve their family members in their businesses, providing them valuable work experience; and extra income can confer important advantages on future generations, such as a chance for a better education. In addition, entrepreneurs may benefit communities and local economies in multiple ways, as this story of a woman who resides in one of Houston's poorest neighborhoods illustrates. Observing the lack of grocery stores in her community, she approached Acción Texas for funds to open a small organic food store and restaurant. With the help of the microloan, she created a viable business while also improving the options for food shopping in her community. She also provides various services, including neighborhood cooking classes that promote healthy eating habits.

The Place of Microfinance in the Landscape of Small Business Finance
Although comprehensive data on U.S. microfinance as a whole is scarce, many U.S. microfinance institutions measure and track their own performance. Acción Texas, for instance, reports that it loaned $42 million between 1994 and 2005. It estimates that those loans created 982 new jobs and generated about $78 million in economic activity (including earnings of about $25 million and local tax revenue of $4.5 million).3 Thus, despite gaps in the aggregate data, we can get some sense of how microfinance fits into the overall picture of small business finance.

Small businesses, generally defined as firms having fewer than 500 employees, have always played a vital role in the U.S. economy. Together, they employ more than half of private-sector workers and produce more than half of private-sector output (Board of Governors, 2007). The enterprises that microlenders finance are, of course, the very smallest of small businesses, but such firms make up a substantial share of the U.S. small business sector: 20 percent of small businesses in the United States have only one individual working in the firm, and 40 percent have two to four people working. Among these smaller firms, nearly 25 percent were founded or acquired by a new owner within the past four years.

Thus microenterprises not only provide a path to economic self-reliance for owner-entrepreneurs and benefit their local communities, but they are also important for the economy as a whole. There is some truth to the popular image of the successful firm which had its beginnings in someone's garage. Microenterprises can grow into small businesses, and small businesses can grow into large firms. Thus, microfinance plays the role of business incubator by compensating for the difficulties faced by very small firms and startups in obtaining credit from established financial intermediaries. These difficulties arise because lending to small businesses is typically considered riskier and more costly than lending to larger firms. Small businesses are often more susceptible to changes in the broader economy and generally have a much higher rate of failure than larger operations, although the survival rate of small firms increases with age (Knaup, 2005).Collateral may be used to help mitigate the risk to lenders, but the smallest and youngest firms often have few assets available to pledge. Besides being riskier, lending to small firms can be more expensive. It costs more per dollar loaned both to evaluate their credit applications and to monitor their ongoing performance. Many small businesses lack detailed balance sheets and other financial information used by underwriters in making lending decisions. And the small firm does not issue publicly traded debt or other securities whose values in the marketplace serve as a signal of its profit expectations.

Of course, despite these challenges, many smaller businesses do manage to obtain the credit and capital they need. Community banks, which rely on personal relationships and knowledge of the local market to assess credit risks, have long been a source of funding for small business. The development of more-sophisticated techniques in small business loan underwriting, including the use of credit scoring, has helped make small business lending more attractive to larger institutions as well (Cowan and Cowan, 2006). And research demonstrates that internal finance--that is, financing from the personal resources of owners, family, friends, and business associates--can help offset a lack of access to capital and is crucial to both new and established small enterprises (Rosen, 1998; Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen, 1994a,b). For some potential low-income entrepreneurs, however, none of these options is feasible. Microfinance was designed to bridge this gap.

The Future of Microfinance in the United States
As I have emphasized, microenterprise development programs in the United States are about much more than the extension of credit, though access to credit remains a central concern. Many programs take a holistic approach, offering interconnected services that complement lending activities and are targeted at entrepreneurs at each stage of business development. Services being offered include up-front business training; specialized technical assistance; mentoring programs; sector-specific advice and support; networking opportunities; coordinated sales and marketing programs; and the development of formal links with banks, local community colleges, and other institutions (Edgcomb and Klein, 2005). Of course, many start-up businesses don't make it; that's an inescapable aspect of the risks that small business entrepreneurs face. But the services provided by microenterprise programs offer borrowers a strong foundation in the fundamentals of running a business and give their businesses a better chance to grow and flourish in a competitive marketplace.

These services benefit the lender by making the borrowers more creditworthy, but providing these services to budding entrepreneurs is labor intensive and requires considerable expertise. Because microfinance clients are rarely able to pay for these services, the costs have generally been underwritten by philanthropic efforts and public-private partnerships. Whether U.S. microfinance programs can become financially self-sustaining is a key question for the future.

Currently, microenterprise organizations are experimenting with business models in the effort to promote self-sustainability. Some are trying to enhance their profitability by offering a wider array of fee-based services, such as check cashing and the facilitation of remittances. Others have turned to technology to reduce their costs. Acción USA, for instance, has reduced transaction, underwriting, and servicing costs through an Internet lending initiative.4 It has also reduced its training costs through online and distance-learning courses. Another web-based effort, MicroMentor, matches inexperienced entrepreneurs with more experienced businesspeople, thereby providing important assistance to new business owners at a relatively low cost (http://www.micromentor.org/ Leaving the Board). The Association for Enterprise Opportunity, the principal trade association for microenterprise programs, serves as a forum for learning about innovations, developments, and best practices in this field (http://www.microenterpriseworks.org/ Leaving the Board).

Another promising avenue for the future of microfinance is the development of more partnerships with mainstream banking institutions. Mainstream banks typically don't offer the array of supportive services found at microlenders. But by partnering with a microlender that incubates very small businesses, mainstream institutions can gain new customers when the borrowers "graduate" from the microfinance program and seek larger loans. And these new customers will be more creditworthy borrowers because of the early support they received from the microfinance organization. Acción Texas and other microfinance organizations have established several mutually beneficial partnerships with large banking institutions. Such partnerships serve as two-way referral systems between the microlenders and large banks and help break down the barriers between mainstream institutions and underserved entrepreneurs.

Conclusion
To sum up, I want to affirm the important role that microfinance plays in bringing the opportunity for entrepreneurship to people who otherwise might not have it. Although some businesses will inevitably fall by the wayside, those that flourish and grow are likely to have better management and better long-term prospects than they would have without the support of microenterprise programs. Successful microbusinesses provide jobs as well as valuable products and services to their communities. Not least important, they can provide economic independence and self-reliance for the owner-entrepreneurs. The full benefits of this movement are difficult to calculate. Indeed, one important challenge for the future is to find ways to better measure the impact and cost effectiveness of microfinance programs. What is clear is that the microfinance movement has grown and adapted considerably during its short history in the United States. I hope that microfinance organizations will sustain their energetic spirit of innovation and experimentation as they strive to become more self-sufficient and adapt to our ever-changing economy.



References

Assanie, Laila, and Raghav Virmani (2006). "Incubating Microfinance: The Texas Border Experience," Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (September/October), pp. 3-7.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2007). Report to the Congress on the Availability of Credit to Small Businesses. Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October.

Carr, James H., and Zhong Yi Tong, eds. (2002). Replicating Microfinance in the United States. Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

Cowan, Charles D., and Adrian M. Cowan (2006). "A Survey-Based Assessment of Financial Institution Use of Credit Scoring for Small Business Lending (690 KB PDF)." Washington: U.S. Small Business Administration, Office of Advocacy, November.

Edgcomb, Elaine L., and Joyce A. Klein (2005). "Opening Opportunities, Building Ownership: Fulfilling the Promise of Microenterprise in the United States." Leaving the BoardWashington: Microenterprise Fund for Innovation, Effectiveness, Learning and Development (FIELD) at the Aspen Institute, February, www.fieldus.org/Projects/MovingForward.html.

Holtz-Eakin, Douglas, David Joulfaian, and Harvey S. Rosen (1994a). "Entrepreneurial Decisions and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board RAND Journal of Economics, vol. 24 (Summer), pp. 334-47.

_________ (1994b). "Sticking It Out: Entrepreneurial Survival and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board Journal of Political Economy, vol. 102 (February), pp. 53-75.

Knaup, Amy E. (2005). "Survival and Longevity in the Business Employment Dynamics Data," Monthly Labor Review, vol. 128 (May), pp. 50-56.

Rosen, Harvey S. (1998). "The Future of Entrepreneurial Finance," Leaving the Board Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 22 (August), pp. 1105-07.

Yunus, Muhammad (2006). "Nobel Lecture," Leaving the Board acceptance speech delivered at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, Oslo, December 10, www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates.

Footnotes

1. Additional information is available on the United Nations website, "International Year of Microcredit," www.yearofmicrocredit.org. Leaving the Board

2. Acción USA, About Us: Our Impact, Leaving the Board www.accionusa.org/site/c.lvKVL9MUIsG/b.1388811/k.46F7/ACCIONs_Impact_on_Small_Businesses.htm.

3. Acción Texas, "Economic and Community Impact of Acción Texas, 1994-2005," Leaving the Board www.acciontexas.org/economic_impact_report.php.

4. Acción USA, Get a Loan Leaving the Board, https://secure.accionusa.org.

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바이낸스, 8.4조원 해킹 당해…역대 최대 [서울=뉴스핌] 최원진 기자= 세계 최대 암호화폐 거래소 바이낸스에서 추정 피해액 63억 달러(약 8조 4,000억 원)에 달하는 암호화폐 업계 역사상 최대 규모의 해킹 사건이 발생했다고 블룸버그 통신이 30일(현지시간) 보도했다. 바이낸스는 소셜미디어 X를 통해 "추정 총 피해액은 약 63억"라며 "블록체인 파트너들과 협력하여 피해 자산을 동결했으며, 현재까지 약 30억 달러가 온체인에서 동결됐다"고 밝혔다. 바이낸스는 즉각 모든 가상자산의 입출금을 일시 중단했다. 비트코인 [사진=블룸버그] 바이낸스 측은 비상 상황에서 고객을 보호하기 위해 2018년에 조성한 '사용자 자산 보호 기금(SAFU)'을 언급하며, 모든 손실을 보상하겠다고 강조했다.  주요 스테이블코인 발행사인 테더와 서클 역시 해킹과 관련된 자금 각각 15억 달러 이상과 8억 달러 상당을 즉각 동결하며 사태 수습에 나섰다. 블록체인 정보업체 TRM 랩스는 이번 공격의 배후로 북한 정찰총국 산하의 엘리트 해킹 조직 '트레이더트레이터(TraderTraitor)'를 지목했다. TRM 랩스는 "강력한 온체인 및 오프체인 정보에 근거해 이번 공격은 북한의 정예 해킹 부대인 트레이더트래이터의 소행으로 판단한다"며 "이러한 판단을 매우 확신한다"고 설명했다. 이번 해킹은 지난해 2월 가상자산 거래소 바이비트에서 발생했던 15억 달러 규모의 탈취 기록을 크게 뛰어넘는 역대 최대 피해다. 이번 사건으로 암호화폐 시장은 큰 충격을 받았다. 비트코인은 29일 미국 증시 마감 후 3% 하락했고, 아시아 거래에서도 추가로 3% 떨어져 7만 7천 달러 아래로 하락하며, 9월 이후 최저치를 기록했다. 기타 알트코인도 매도세를 보였다. 가뜩이나 트레이더들은 이번 주 암호화폐 시장의 큰 변동성에 대비했던 상황이라 충격이 크다. 30일 110억 달러 규모의 옵션 만기가 예정되어 있기 때문이다. 또한, 다음 주(11월 3일) 미국 중간선거에서 민주당이 상·하원 중 한 곳 또는 둘 다 탈환할 경우 암호화폐 산업에 대한 규제 강화로 이어질 우려도 있다.  한편, 사이버 보안 위협은 암호화폐 업계를 넘어 금융권 전체로 확산하는 양상이라고 블룸버그는 짚었다. 같은 날 예측시장 플랫폼 폴리마켓은 제3자 소프트웨어 제공업체가 해킹돼 국제 거래소 거래를 한 시간 동안 중단시켰다. 블록체인 분석 플랫폼 버블맵스는 X에 게시한 글에서 700명이 넘는 폴리마켓 사용자들이 270만 달러 상당의 자금을 잃었다고 주장했다. 한국 대신증권은 최근 고객 정보 유출과 미래에셋운용의 해킹 피해가 공개됐다. 일본에서도 GMO인터넷그룹의 외환거래 클라우드가 해킹 협박을 받는 등 전 세계 금융 시스템을 겨냥한 사이버 공격이 잇따르고 있다. wonjc6@newspim.com   2026-10-30 14:11
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서울 주택 매입 무주택자 44% 증가 [서울=뉴스핌] 최현민 기자 = 서울 아파트 거래가 위축되는 가운데 올해 생애최초 부동산 매수자는 오히려 지난해보다 40% 이상 늘어났다. 서울 집값과 전셋값 상승세가 이어지면서 무주택 실수요자들이 가격이 더 오르기 전에 내 집 마련에 나선 것으로 풀이된다.  정부가 잇따라 주택공급 확대 방안을 내놓고 있지만 실제 입주까지는 상당한 시간이 필요한 상황이다. 특히 30대를 중심으로 첫 부동산 매수자가 크게 늘어나면서 공급 확대에 대한 기대보다 당장의 주거 불안이 매수 결정에 영향을 미치고 있다는 관측이 나온다. [AI일러스트 = 최현민 기자] ◆ 서울 첫 매수자 전국 대비 10배 이상 증가…30대가 절반 30일 업계에 따르면 서울 아파트 거래가 둔화하는 상황에서도 올해 생애최초 부동산 매수자가 지난해보다 크게 늘면서 주거 불안에 따른 실수요자의 매수 움직임이 이어질 수 있다는 전망이 나온다. 올해 1~9월 서울에서 생애 처음 부동산을 매수한 사람은 6만5750명이다. 이는 지난해 같은 기간 4만5711명보다 2만 39명(43.8%) 증가한 규모다. 같은 기간 전국 생애최초 매수자는 32만 471명에서 33만2358명으로 3.7% 증가하는 데 그쳤다. 전국 증가율이 한 자릿수에 머무른 반면 서울은 40% 넘게 늘면서 매수 지역이 서울에 집중된 것으로 나타났다.  경기도의 경우 9만6031명에서 10만8032명으로 12.5% 증가했지만 인천은 3만1255명에서 2만 664명으로 33.9% 감소했다.  연령별로는 30대의 증가세가 두드러졌다. 올해 1~9월 서울의 30대 생애최초 매수자는 3만5880명으로 지난해 같은 기간 2만2602명보다 58.7% 늘었다. 전체 서울 생애최초 매수자의 54.6%를 차지하는 규모다. 20대 역시 4552명에서 6699명으로 47.2% 증가했고 40대는 1만772명에서 1만3994명으로 29.9% 늘었다. 상대적으로 주택 마련 수요가 높은 30대를 중심으로 첫 부동산 매수가 확대된 모습이다. 월별로 보면 올해 서울 생애최초 매수자는 1월 6554명에서 4월 7341명으로 늘었고 8월에는 9353명까지 증가했다. 9월에는 8324명으로 전월보다 감소했지만 지난해 같은 기간 5983명과 비교하면 39.1% 높은 수준이다. ◆ 집값·전셋값 동반 상승…공급 확대에도 입주까지 '하세월' 생애최초 매수자가 늘어난 배경으로는 서울 주택가격 상승과 전세시장 불안이 거론된다. 주택 매매가격뿐 아니라 전세가격까지 오르면서 무주택 실수요자들의 주거비 부담이 커지고 있기 때문이다. 실제로 지난달 서울 아파트 매매가격은 전월 대비 0.7% 상승했다. 강남권 일부 지역에서 가격 조정이 나타났지만 중랑구와 성북구, 서대문구 등 강북권을 중심으로 상승세가 이어지면서 서울 전체 아파트값은 오름세를 유지했다. 이달 들어서도 상승 흐름은 이어지고 있다. 10월 셋째 주 서울 아파트 매매가격은 전주보다 0.1% 상승했다. 상승폭은 전주보다 줄었지만 서울 전체 가격은 여전히 높은 수준의 상승 압력을 받고 있는 상황이다. 특히 전세시장에서도 가격 상승과 매물 부족 우려가 이어지면서 실수요자들의 주거 선택지가 좁아지고 있다. 전세 계약을 갱신하거나 월세 부담을 감수하는 대신 매매시장에 진입하려는 수요가 생길 수 있다는 분석이다. 이러한 상황에서 정부는 3기 신도시와 수도권 신규택지 조성 등을 통해 주택공급 확대에 속도를 내고 있다. 이날도 김포 아라와 구리 건원, 하남 등 수도권 신규택지 6곳에 7만6700가구를 공급하는 계획을 발표했다. 다만 신규택지에 공공택지 최단기 착공모델을 적용하더라도 실제 입주는 2033년에나 가능할 전망이다. 택지 지정과 보상, 기반시설 조성 등 후속 절차에 상당한 시간이 소요되는 만큼 단기간에 주택공급 효과를 기대하기는 어려운 상황이다. 특히 서울시와의 주택공급 협의가 좀처럼 진전을 보이지 못하면서 이번 신규택지 발표에서도 서울 내 공급부지는 포함되지 않았다. 신규 공급 물량이 모두 경기도에 집중된 만큼 이번 대책 역시 서울 주택시장의 수급 불안을 진정시키기는 쉽지 않을 것이란 관측이 나온다. 당분간 공급계획이 실제 입주 물량으로 이어지기 전까지는 서울 주택가격과 전세가격의 움직임이 무주택자의 매수 결정에 영향을 미치면서 무주택자들의 매수세는 가파르게 증가할 것으로 예상된다.  업계 관계자는 "여러차례 대책을 내놓았지만 실제 입주까지는 최소 3년 이상이 소요되는 만큼 당장 집을 구해야 하는 무주택자들의 불안을 해소하기에는 한계가 있다"며 "서울 집값과 전셋값 상승세가 이어질 경우 가격이 더 오르기 전에 주택을 확보하려는 실수요자들의 움직임이 지속될 가능성이 있다"고 말했다. min72@newspim.com 2026-10-30 12:00
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