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※ 번역할 언어 선택

Chairman Ben S. Bernanke
At the ACCIÓN Texas Summit on Microfinance in the United States, San Antonio, Texas
November 6, 2007

Microfinance in the United States

Last month I had the pleasure of meeting with someone very well known to this audience but not so well known to Americans generally: Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Perhaps more than any other individual, Dr. Yunus inspired the movement that has become known as microfinance. In 1976, Dr. Yunus founded the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, which became one of the pioneers of the concept of offering small loans to people deemed too poor or insufficiently creditworthy to qualify for traditional bank loans.

The organization and the larger movement it helped spawn have financed the entrepreneurial aspirations of many thousands of people. The great majority of those who have benefited from Grameen Bank loans have been women, particularly poor rural women. Microfinance has offered borrowers, in Dr. Yunus's words, "a fair chance to unleash their energy and creativity" (Yunus, 2006). His innovative thinking and dedication to poverty relief through the extension of credit were honored in 2006 by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. And the movement itself was recognized when the United Nations declared 2005 to be the International Year of Microcredit.1

The microfinance, or microcredit, movement has spread throughout the world--to other parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and, more recently, to the United States. Although the social and economic contexts differ widely across countries, the fundamental purpose of microfinance programs remains the same: to offer small loans and other financial services to low-income people to help them increase their incomes through entrepreneurship and self-employment.

Acción Texas has been an exemplar of the movement in the United States. I am very pleased to speak at your summit meeting today for many reasons, not the least of which is the opportunity to visit again with Janie Barrera, the president of Acción Texas. I had the pleasure of working with Janie when she was a member of the Federal Reserve Board's Consumer Advisory Council, which has been an invaluable resource for the Board over the years on all aspects of consumer protection regulation and community development initiatives. Soon after I became a member of the Board in 2002, Janie collaborated with the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas to invite me and one of my fellow Board members, Susan Bies, to Brownsville, Texas. We toured local housing and community development projects and visited a small business that had gotten its start with the help of a microloan from Acción Texas.

In the remainder of my remarks I will speak about the development of the microfinance movement in the United States, putting it into an international context and discussing as well how it fits into the broader landscape of small business financing in this country. I will close with some thoughts on the challenges facing the U.S. movement as it continues to grow and mature.

The Development of the U.S. Microfinance Movement
Although the United States came relatively late to the microfinance movement, experimentation in the 1980s and 1990s laid the groundwork for the lively network of programs we see today. Acción has been at the forefront of the development of microfinance in the United States. Acción International began its microlending activities in Latin America in 1961 and established an affiliate organization in the United States, Acción USA, in 1991. Over the years, the U.S. Acción network has grown to become one of the country's largest microfinance providers. Since its founding, the U.S. Acción network has loaned $180 million to nearly 20,000 borrowers in thirty-five states.2

Of course, the operational details of U.S. microfinance programs differ significantly from those in overseas programs, but as I mentioned, they share similar goals and core values. As it does in developing countries, the microfinance movement in the United States seeks to expand economic opportunities for individuals and to foster community economic development by providing small loans and other business services to people who have been traditionally underserved by mainstream financial institutions. Loan features--including size, collateral requirements, and repayment terms--are typically more flexible than those of standard bank loans and are tailored to the needs of low- and moderate-income entrepreneurs.

In the United States, however, credit is only one part of the microfinance package. To a greater extent than overseas, microfinance programs here have expanded their offerings to deliver education, training, and various other services to nascent entrepreneurs. The goals of these supplemental activities are twofold: to improve the survival rate of the borrowers' start-up businesses and to mitigate credit risks for the lender. Several factors have driven the U.S. microfinance industry to diversify beyond simply lending. The complexity of the U.S. market for financial services requires greater financial management skills than are typically needed in developing countries. Here, even very small businesses are likely to have to deal with factors--such as taxes, licenses, and zoning laws--that can prove daunting hurdles to the inexperienced, aspiring business owner (Assanie and Virmani, 2006). By contrast, entrepreneurs in developing countries tend to operate in the informal sector, often out of the sight of regulators and tax authorities. Yet another difference between the U.S. context and that of the developing world is that, in the United States, aspiring entrepreneurs may have access to alternative sources of credit. Although they may not be able to obtain traditional small business loans, some can qualify for credit cards, home equity credit lines, or other alternatives to microcredit, whereas many of Grameen Bank's clients in Bangladesh, for example, have no such alternatives. Thus, while lending remains a very important part of U.S. microfinance programs, it is not as central to the broader mission as is typically the case in the developing world.

In helping local enterprises get under way, microfinance organizations help deliver the social benefits often associated with such businesses. For example, microentrepreneurs often involve their family members in their businesses, providing them valuable work experience; and extra income can confer important advantages on future generations, such as a chance for a better education. In addition, entrepreneurs may benefit communities and local economies in multiple ways, as this story of a woman who resides in one of Houston's poorest neighborhoods illustrates. Observing the lack of grocery stores in her community, she approached Acción Texas for funds to open a small organic food store and restaurant. With the help of the microloan, she created a viable business while also improving the options for food shopping in her community. She also provides various services, including neighborhood cooking classes that promote healthy eating habits.

The Place of Microfinance in the Landscape of Small Business Finance
Although comprehensive data on U.S. microfinance as a whole is scarce, many U.S. microfinance institutions measure and track their own performance. Acción Texas, for instance, reports that it loaned $42 million between 1994 and 2005. It estimates that those loans created 982 new jobs and generated about $78 million in economic activity (including earnings of about $25 million and local tax revenue of $4.5 million).3 Thus, despite gaps in the aggregate data, we can get some sense of how microfinance fits into the overall picture of small business finance.

Small businesses, generally defined as firms having fewer than 500 employees, have always played a vital role in the U.S. economy. Together, they employ more than half of private-sector workers and produce more than half of private-sector output (Board of Governors, 2007). The enterprises that microlenders finance are, of course, the very smallest of small businesses, but such firms make up a substantial share of the U.S. small business sector: 20 percent of small businesses in the United States have only one individual working in the firm, and 40 percent have two to four people working. Among these smaller firms, nearly 25 percent were founded or acquired by a new owner within the past four years.

Thus microenterprises not only provide a path to economic self-reliance for owner-entrepreneurs and benefit their local communities, but they are also important for the economy as a whole. There is some truth to the popular image of the successful firm which had its beginnings in someone's garage. Microenterprises can grow into small businesses, and small businesses can grow into large firms. Thus, microfinance plays the role of business incubator by compensating for the difficulties faced by very small firms and startups in obtaining credit from established financial intermediaries. These difficulties arise because lending to small businesses is typically considered riskier and more costly than lending to larger firms. Small businesses are often more susceptible to changes in the broader economy and generally have a much higher rate of failure than larger operations, although the survival rate of small firms increases with age (Knaup, 2005).Collateral may be used to help mitigate the risk to lenders, but the smallest and youngest firms often have few assets available to pledge. Besides being riskier, lending to small firms can be more expensive. It costs more per dollar loaned both to evaluate their credit applications and to monitor their ongoing performance. Many small businesses lack detailed balance sheets and other financial information used by underwriters in making lending decisions. And the small firm does not issue publicly traded debt or other securities whose values in the marketplace serve as a signal of its profit expectations.

Of course, despite these challenges, many smaller businesses do manage to obtain the credit and capital they need. Community banks, which rely on personal relationships and knowledge of the local market to assess credit risks, have long been a source of funding for small business. The development of more-sophisticated techniques in small business loan underwriting, including the use of credit scoring, has helped make small business lending more attractive to larger institutions as well (Cowan and Cowan, 2006). And research demonstrates that internal finance--that is, financing from the personal resources of owners, family, friends, and business associates--can help offset a lack of access to capital and is crucial to both new and established small enterprises (Rosen, 1998; Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen, 1994a,b). For some potential low-income entrepreneurs, however, none of these options is feasible. Microfinance was designed to bridge this gap.

The Future of Microfinance in the United States
As I have emphasized, microenterprise development programs in the United States are about much more than the extension of credit, though access to credit remains a central concern. Many programs take a holistic approach, offering interconnected services that complement lending activities and are targeted at entrepreneurs at each stage of business development. Services being offered include up-front business training; specialized technical assistance; mentoring programs; sector-specific advice and support; networking opportunities; coordinated sales and marketing programs; and the development of formal links with banks, local community colleges, and other institutions (Edgcomb and Klein, 2005). Of course, many start-up businesses don't make it; that's an inescapable aspect of the risks that small business entrepreneurs face. But the services provided by microenterprise programs offer borrowers a strong foundation in the fundamentals of running a business and give their businesses a better chance to grow and flourish in a competitive marketplace.

These services benefit the lender by making the borrowers more creditworthy, but providing these services to budding entrepreneurs is labor intensive and requires considerable expertise. Because microfinance clients are rarely able to pay for these services, the costs have generally been underwritten by philanthropic efforts and public-private partnerships. Whether U.S. microfinance programs can become financially self-sustaining is a key question for the future.

Currently, microenterprise organizations are experimenting with business models in the effort to promote self-sustainability. Some are trying to enhance their profitability by offering a wider array of fee-based services, such as check cashing and the facilitation of remittances. Others have turned to technology to reduce their costs. Acción USA, for instance, has reduced transaction, underwriting, and servicing costs through an Internet lending initiative.4 It has also reduced its training costs through online and distance-learning courses. Another web-based effort, MicroMentor, matches inexperienced entrepreneurs with more experienced businesspeople, thereby providing important assistance to new business owners at a relatively low cost (http://www.micromentor.org/ Leaving the Board). The Association for Enterprise Opportunity, the principal trade association for microenterprise programs, serves as a forum for learning about innovations, developments, and best practices in this field (http://www.microenterpriseworks.org/ Leaving the Board).

Another promising avenue for the future of microfinance is the development of more partnerships with mainstream banking institutions. Mainstream banks typically don't offer the array of supportive services found at microlenders. But by partnering with a microlender that incubates very small businesses, mainstream institutions can gain new customers when the borrowers "graduate" from the microfinance program and seek larger loans. And these new customers will be more creditworthy borrowers because of the early support they received from the microfinance organization. Acción Texas and other microfinance organizations have established several mutually beneficial partnerships with large banking institutions. Such partnerships serve as two-way referral systems between the microlenders and large banks and help break down the barriers between mainstream institutions and underserved entrepreneurs.

Conclusion
To sum up, I want to affirm the important role that microfinance plays in bringing the opportunity for entrepreneurship to people who otherwise might not have it. Although some businesses will inevitably fall by the wayside, those that flourish and grow are likely to have better management and better long-term prospects than they would have without the support of microenterprise programs. Successful microbusinesses provide jobs as well as valuable products and services to their communities. Not least important, they can provide economic independence and self-reliance for the owner-entrepreneurs. The full benefits of this movement are difficult to calculate. Indeed, one important challenge for the future is to find ways to better measure the impact and cost effectiveness of microfinance programs. What is clear is that the microfinance movement has grown and adapted considerably during its short history in the United States. I hope that microfinance organizations will sustain their energetic spirit of innovation and experimentation as they strive to become more self-sufficient and adapt to our ever-changing economy.



References

Assanie, Laila, and Raghav Virmani (2006). "Incubating Microfinance: The Texas Border Experience," Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (September/October), pp. 3-7.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2007). Report to the Congress on the Availability of Credit to Small Businesses. Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October.

Carr, James H., and Zhong Yi Tong, eds. (2002). Replicating Microfinance in the United States. Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

Cowan, Charles D., and Adrian M. Cowan (2006). "A Survey-Based Assessment of Financial Institution Use of Credit Scoring for Small Business Lending (690 KB PDF)." Washington: U.S. Small Business Administration, Office of Advocacy, November.

Edgcomb, Elaine L., and Joyce A. Klein (2005). "Opening Opportunities, Building Ownership: Fulfilling the Promise of Microenterprise in the United States." Leaving the BoardWashington: Microenterprise Fund for Innovation, Effectiveness, Learning and Development (FIELD) at the Aspen Institute, February, www.fieldus.org/Projects/MovingForward.html.

Holtz-Eakin, Douglas, David Joulfaian, and Harvey S. Rosen (1994a). "Entrepreneurial Decisions and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board RAND Journal of Economics, vol. 24 (Summer), pp. 334-47.

_________ (1994b). "Sticking It Out: Entrepreneurial Survival and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board Journal of Political Economy, vol. 102 (February), pp. 53-75.

Knaup, Amy E. (2005). "Survival and Longevity in the Business Employment Dynamics Data," Monthly Labor Review, vol. 128 (May), pp. 50-56.

Rosen, Harvey S. (1998). "The Future of Entrepreneurial Finance," Leaving the Board Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 22 (August), pp. 1105-07.

Yunus, Muhammad (2006). "Nobel Lecture," Leaving the Board acceptance speech delivered at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, Oslo, December 10, www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates.

Footnotes

1. Additional information is available on the United Nations website, "International Year of Microcredit," www.yearofmicrocredit.org. Leaving the Board

2. Acción USA, About Us: Our Impact, Leaving the Board www.accionusa.org/site/c.lvKVL9MUIsG/b.1388811/k.46F7/ACCIONs_Impact_on_Small_Businesses.htm.

3. Acción Texas, "Economic and Community Impact of Acción Texas, 1994-2005," Leaving the Board www.acciontexas.org/economic_impact_report.php.

4. Acción USA, Get a Loan Leaving the Board, https://secure.accionusa.org.

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[뉴스핌 베스트 기사]

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SK하이닉스 ADR 30일부터 전환 [서울=뉴스핌] 서영욱 기자 = 미국 나스닥에 상장된 SK하이닉스 주식예탁증서(ADR)와 국내 보통주 간 전환 절차가 오는 30일부터 시작된다. 다만 국내 원주를 ADR로 바꾸려면 별도의 신고 절차를 거쳐야 하고 발행 물량에도 제한이 있어, 두 시장의 가격 차이가 단기간에 해소되기는 어려울 전망이다. SK하이닉스는 ADR 상장의 의미를 단기적인 주가 흐름보다 글로벌 투자자 기반 확대와 미국 자본시장 진출에 두고 있다. ADR 발행과 키옥시아 지분 매각 등으로 확보한 현금의 일부를 주주에게 돌려주는 추가 환원 방안도 연내 공개할 계획이다. 경기 이천시 SK하이닉스 본사의 모습. [사진 = 뉴스핌DB] ◆30일부터 양방향 전환…차익거래는 '제한적'SK하이닉스는 29일 2분기 실적발표 컨퍼런스콜에서 "한국거래소 원주 추가 상장이 완료되는 다음 날인 오는 30일부터 ADR을 원주로 자유롭게 전환할 수 있다"고 밝혔다. 미국 나스닥에서 거래되는 ADR 10주를 국내 증시에 상장된 SK하이닉스 보통주 1주로 바꿀 수 있게 되는 것이다. ADR 1주가 국내 보통주 10분의 1주(0.1주)에 해당하도록 발행됐기 때문이다. 29일 현재 SK하이닉스 주가는 130만원, SK하이닉스 ADR은 130달러다. 현재 환율은 감안하면 ADR 10주는 188만원으로 국내 주가 보다 높은 상황이다. 미국 투자자가 ADR을 원주로 바꿔 국내에서 팔 경우 손실이 발생하는 상황이다. ◆신고 절차·물량 제한…가격 괴리 당분간 지속가격 차이를 이용하려면 국내 원주를 사서 ADR로 바꾼 뒤 미국에서 매도해야 하지만, 원주에서 ADR로의 전환에는 규제상 신고 절차와 발행 한도가 적용된다. 이에 따라 양방향 차익거래가 자유롭지 않아 ADR에 붙은 가격 프리미엄이 단기간에 해소되기는 어려울 수 있다는 분석이다. SK하이닉스는 "국내 기업의 기존 주식예탁증서(DR) 사례를 고려하면 원주를 ADR로 전환하기 위해서는 규제상 신고 절차가 필요할 수 있으며 통상 수주 이상의 시간이 소요될 것으로 예상된다"고 설명했다. 물량에도 제한이 있다. 현재 ADR 전환 한도는 이번 공모를 통해 발행한 신주 규모인 1779만주로 설정돼 있으며, ADR 총 발행 잔량도 이를 초과할 수 없다. 이에 따라 시장에서는 30일부터 양방향 전환 체계가 시작되더라도 원주와 ADR 사이의 가격 차이가 단기간에 완전히 해소되기보다는 점진적으로 축소될 가능성에 무게를 두고 있다. 원주에서 ADR로의 전환에는 시간과 물량 제약이 동시에 존재하기 때문이다. SK하이닉스 ADR은 공모가(149달러)를 밑도는 흐름을 이어가고 있다. 시장에서는 AI 투자 둔화 우려와 글로벌 반도체주 조정이 복합적으로 반영된 결과라는 분석이 나온다. [AI 인포그래픽=서영욱 기자] ◆"글로벌 자본시장 진출"…주주환원도 확대 검토다만 SK하이닉스는 이번 ADR 상장의 의미를 단기 주가보다 글로벌 자본시장 진출과 투자자 기반 확대에 두고 있다는 점을 재차 강조했다. SK하이닉스는 "이번 나스닥 상장은 단순한 자금 조달을 넘어 기술 경쟁력과 성장성에 대한 글로벌 시장의 신뢰를 확인한 것"이라며 "이를 계기로 주요 고객 및 파트너와의 전략적 협력을 강화하고 새로운 사업 기회를 발굴해 나갈 계획"이라고 밝혔다. 향후 ADR 비중 확대 여부에 대해서는 신중한 입장을 유지했다. 회사는 "ADR 비중 확대는 규제 환경 등을 종합적으로 고려해 검토할 예정"이라면서도 "현재 구체적으로 결정된 사항은 없다"고 설명했다. 보유 현금 활용 방향도 제시했다. SK하이닉스는 키옥시아 지분 매각과 ADR 발행 등을 통해 확보한 자금을 ▲AI 시대 성장 기회를 위한 적기 투자 ▲안정적인 재무구조 유지 ▲주주환원 확대라는 세 가지 원칙 아래 배분하겠다고 밝혔다. 추가 주주환원에 대해서는 가능성을 열어뒀다. SK하이닉스는 "시장의 높은 관심을 충분히 인지하고 있으며 다양한 방식의 추가 주주환원 방안을 검토하고 있다"면서도 "ADR 공모와 관련한 규제와 절차상 제약으로 현 시점에서 구체적인 방식과 규모를 공개하기는 어렵다"고 말했다. 이어 "구체적인 방안이 확정되는 대로 연내 시장과 소통하겠다"고 덧붙였다. syu@newspim.com 2026-07-29 15:09
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쿠팡, 상반기 美로비 자금 34억원 [서울=뉴스핌] 김정인 기자 = 쿠팡이 국내 규제 현안에 대응하는 과정에서 미국 워싱턴 정관계를 상대로 한 로비 활동을 확대하고 있다. 쿠팡Inc가 올해 상반기 신고한 로비 지출액은 237만달러(약 34억4200만원)로, 자체 조직과 외부 전문업체를 통해 백악관과 미 의회, 주요 행정부처 등을 폭넓게 접촉한 것으로 나타났다. 같은 기간 한국 정부의 쿠팡 조사와 제재를 미국 기업 차별로 규정하는 정치권의 움직임도 공화당 의원들의 연명서한과 하원 조사보고서, 외국 공무원 입국 제한 법안 발의로 구체화됐다. ◆ 상반기 237만달러…외부업체 6곳 가동 29일 미국 상원 로비공개법(LDA) 공시에 따르면 쿠팡Inc가 올해 상반기 신고한 로비 지출액은 총 237만달러(약 34억4200만원)다. 이는 지난해 연간 지출액 227만달러(약 32억9700만원)를 이미 10만달러 웃도는 규모다. 올해 1분기에는 109만달러(약 15억8300만원), 2분기에는 128만달러(약 18억5900만원)를 지출했다. 2분기 지출액은 1분기보다 17.4% 늘었다. 지난해 상반기 지출액 110만달러(약 15억9800만원)와 비교하면 올해 상반기 로비 비용은 115.5% 증가했다. 쿠팡Inc는 자체 조직과 ▲볼러드파트너스 ▲컨티넨털스트래티지 ▲크로스로드스트래티지 ▲밀러스트래티지 ▲모뉴먼트애드버커시 ▲윌리엄스앤드젠슨 등 외부 업체 6곳을 활용했다. 접촉 대상에는 미국 상·하원과 백악관, 국무부·상무부·미국무역대표부(USTR) 등이 포함됐다. [AI 인포그래픽=김정인 기자] ◆ 서한·보고서 거쳐 법안까지 한국 정부의 쿠팡 조사와 제재를 미국 기업에 대한 차별로 규정하는 미국 정치권의 움직임은 올해 들어 조사와 서한, 보고서, 법안 발의로 이어졌다. 미 하원 법사위원회는 지난 2월 쿠팡Inc에 한국 정부의 조사·제재와 관련한 문서와 통신 기록 제출을 요구하는 소환장을 발부했다. 쿠팡 관계자의 증언도 요구하며 한국 정부의 미국 기업 차별 여부를 들여다보기 시작했다. 이어 마이클 바움가트너 공화당 하원의원은 지난 4월 공화당 하원의원 54명과 함께 한국 정부에 미국 기업에 대한 차별적 조치를 중단하라는 취지의 서한을 보냈다. 이들은 한국 온라인 시장에서 미국 기업이 밀려날 경우 테무와 알리바바, 쉬인 등 중국계 플랫폼이 그 자리를 차지할 수 있다고 주장했다. 하원 법사위원회는 조사 내용을 토대로 지난 1일 한국 정부의 미국 기업 차별 의혹을 다룬 중간보고서를 공개했다. 보고서는 한국 정부가 쿠팡을 반복적으로 조사하고 경쟁사보다 과도한 규제와 과징금을 부과했다고 주장했다. 쿠팡이 제출한 자료와 관계자 증언도 보고서에 활용됐다. 서울 송파구 쿠팡 본사. [사진=뉴스핌DB] 정치권의 문제 제기는 법안 발의로도 이어졌다. 바움가트너 의원은 지난 22일 미국인이나 미국 기업을 경제적으로 차별한 외국 정부 당국자의 미국 입국을 제한하고 추방할 수 있도록 하는 이민·국적법 개정안을 발의했다. '외국 공무원 입국 제한법안'으로 불리는 H.R.9834는 차별적 정부 조치에 관여한 외국 공무원을 입국 불허·추방 대상에 포함하는 내용이다. 현재 하원 법사위원회에 회부된 발의 초기 단계다. 바움가트너 의원은 법안 설명자료에서 한국 당국의 쿠팡 조사와 과징금을 미국 기업 차별 사례로 제시했다. 다만 법안은 쿠팡과 한국만을 겨냥한 것은 아니며 유럽연합(EU)의 구글 규제와 브라질의 미국계 플랫폼 규제도 함께 언급했다. ◆ 쿠팡 "합법적 활동…수출 확대 목적" 쿠팡은 미국 정부와 정치권을 상대로 한 로비가 미국 헌법과 관련 법률에 따라 보장된 합법적인 활동이라는 입장이다. 자사의 로비 규모도 미국 주요 기업이나 국내 대기업과 비교해 크지 않다고 주장했다. 쿠팡은 공식 로비 의제가 미국산 상품 수출과 미국 내 일자리 창출, 한미 경제·통상 관계 강화라고 설명했다. 지난 28일 포춘 글로벌 500 첫 진입을 발표하면서도 자신을 시애틀에 본사를 둔 미국 기술기업으로 소개하고, 지난해 미국 상품·서비스·농산물의 해외 판매액 가운데 50억달러 이상을 담당했다고 강조했다. 한편 한국 정부는 쿠팡을 미국 기업이라는 이유로 차별했다는 주장을 부인하고 있다. 공정거래위원회는 기업 국적과 관계없이 플랫폼 사업자에 같은 기준을 적용하고 있다는 입장이다. kji01@newspim.com 2026-07-29 14:38
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