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※ 번역할 언어 선택

Chairman Ben S. Bernanke
At the ACCIÓN Texas Summit on Microfinance in the United States, San Antonio, Texas
November 6, 2007

Microfinance in the United States

Last month I had the pleasure of meeting with someone very well known to this audience but not so well known to Americans generally: Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Perhaps more than any other individual, Dr. Yunus inspired the movement that has become known as microfinance. In 1976, Dr. Yunus founded the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, which became one of the pioneers of the concept of offering small loans to people deemed too poor or insufficiently creditworthy to qualify for traditional bank loans.

The organization and the larger movement it helped spawn have financed the entrepreneurial aspirations of many thousands of people. The great majority of those who have benefited from Grameen Bank loans have been women, particularly poor rural women. Microfinance has offered borrowers, in Dr. Yunus's words, "a fair chance to unleash their energy and creativity" (Yunus, 2006). His innovative thinking and dedication to poverty relief through the extension of credit were honored in 2006 by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. And the movement itself was recognized when the United Nations declared 2005 to be the International Year of Microcredit.1

The microfinance, or microcredit, movement has spread throughout the world--to other parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and, more recently, to the United States. Although the social and economic contexts differ widely across countries, the fundamental purpose of microfinance programs remains the same: to offer small loans and other financial services to low-income people to help them increase their incomes through entrepreneurship and self-employment.

Acción Texas has been an exemplar of the movement in the United States. I am very pleased to speak at your summit meeting today for many reasons, not the least of which is the opportunity to visit again with Janie Barrera, the president of Acción Texas. I had the pleasure of working with Janie when she was a member of the Federal Reserve Board's Consumer Advisory Council, which has been an invaluable resource for the Board over the years on all aspects of consumer protection regulation and community development initiatives. Soon after I became a member of the Board in 2002, Janie collaborated with the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas to invite me and one of my fellow Board members, Susan Bies, to Brownsville, Texas. We toured local housing and community development projects and visited a small business that had gotten its start with the help of a microloan from Acción Texas.

In the remainder of my remarks I will speak about the development of the microfinance movement in the United States, putting it into an international context and discussing as well how it fits into the broader landscape of small business financing in this country. I will close with some thoughts on the challenges facing the U.S. movement as it continues to grow and mature.

The Development of the U.S. Microfinance Movement
Although the United States came relatively late to the microfinance movement, experimentation in the 1980s and 1990s laid the groundwork for the lively network of programs we see today. Acción has been at the forefront of the development of microfinance in the United States. Acción International began its microlending activities in Latin America in 1961 and established an affiliate organization in the United States, Acción USA, in 1991. Over the years, the U.S. Acción network has grown to become one of the country's largest microfinance providers. Since its founding, the U.S. Acción network has loaned $180 million to nearly 20,000 borrowers in thirty-five states.2

Of course, the operational details of U.S. microfinance programs differ significantly from those in overseas programs, but as I mentioned, they share similar goals and core values. As it does in developing countries, the microfinance movement in the United States seeks to expand economic opportunities for individuals and to foster community economic development by providing small loans and other business services to people who have been traditionally underserved by mainstream financial institutions. Loan features--including size, collateral requirements, and repayment terms--are typically more flexible than those of standard bank loans and are tailored to the needs of low- and moderate-income entrepreneurs.

In the United States, however, credit is only one part of the microfinance package. To a greater extent than overseas, microfinance programs here have expanded their offerings to deliver education, training, and various other services to nascent entrepreneurs. The goals of these supplemental activities are twofold: to improve the survival rate of the borrowers' start-up businesses and to mitigate credit risks for the lender. Several factors have driven the U.S. microfinance industry to diversify beyond simply lending. The complexity of the U.S. market for financial services requires greater financial management skills than are typically needed in developing countries. Here, even very small businesses are likely to have to deal with factors--such as taxes, licenses, and zoning laws--that can prove daunting hurdles to the inexperienced, aspiring business owner (Assanie and Virmani, 2006). By contrast, entrepreneurs in developing countries tend to operate in the informal sector, often out of the sight of regulators and tax authorities. Yet another difference between the U.S. context and that of the developing world is that, in the United States, aspiring entrepreneurs may have access to alternative sources of credit. Although they may not be able to obtain traditional small business loans, some can qualify for credit cards, home equity credit lines, or other alternatives to microcredit, whereas many of Grameen Bank's clients in Bangladesh, for example, have no such alternatives. Thus, while lending remains a very important part of U.S. microfinance programs, it is not as central to the broader mission as is typically the case in the developing world.

In helping local enterprises get under way, microfinance organizations help deliver the social benefits often associated with such businesses. For example, microentrepreneurs often involve their family members in their businesses, providing them valuable work experience; and extra income can confer important advantages on future generations, such as a chance for a better education. In addition, entrepreneurs may benefit communities and local economies in multiple ways, as this story of a woman who resides in one of Houston's poorest neighborhoods illustrates. Observing the lack of grocery stores in her community, she approached Acción Texas for funds to open a small organic food store and restaurant. With the help of the microloan, she created a viable business while also improving the options for food shopping in her community. She also provides various services, including neighborhood cooking classes that promote healthy eating habits.

The Place of Microfinance in the Landscape of Small Business Finance
Although comprehensive data on U.S. microfinance as a whole is scarce, many U.S. microfinance institutions measure and track their own performance. Acción Texas, for instance, reports that it loaned $42 million between 1994 and 2005. It estimates that those loans created 982 new jobs and generated about $78 million in economic activity (including earnings of about $25 million and local tax revenue of $4.5 million).3 Thus, despite gaps in the aggregate data, we can get some sense of how microfinance fits into the overall picture of small business finance.

Small businesses, generally defined as firms having fewer than 500 employees, have always played a vital role in the U.S. economy. Together, they employ more than half of private-sector workers and produce more than half of private-sector output (Board of Governors, 2007). The enterprises that microlenders finance are, of course, the very smallest of small businesses, but such firms make up a substantial share of the U.S. small business sector: 20 percent of small businesses in the United States have only one individual working in the firm, and 40 percent have two to four people working. Among these smaller firms, nearly 25 percent were founded or acquired by a new owner within the past four years.

Thus microenterprises not only provide a path to economic self-reliance for owner-entrepreneurs and benefit their local communities, but they are also important for the economy as a whole. There is some truth to the popular image of the successful firm which had its beginnings in someone's garage. Microenterprises can grow into small businesses, and small businesses can grow into large firms. Thus, microfinance plays the role of business incubator by compensating for the difficulties faced by very small firms and startups in obtaining credit from established financial intermediaries. These difficulties arise because lending to small businesses is typically considered riskier and more costly than lending to larger firms. Small businesses are often more susceptible to changes in the broader economy and generally have a much higher rate of failure than larger operations, although the survival rate of small firms increases with age (Knaup, 2005).Collateral may be used to help mitigate the risk to lenders, but the smallest and youngest firms often have few assets available to pledge. Besides being riskier, lending to small firms can be more expensive. It costs more per dollar loaned both to evaluate their credit applications and to monitor their ongoing performance. Many small businesses lack detailed balance sheets and other financial information used by underwriters in making lending decisions. And the small firm does not issue publicly traded debt or other securities whose values in the marketplace serve as a signal of its profit expectations.

Of course, despite these challenges, many smaller businesses do manage to obtain the credit and capital they need. Community banks, which rely on personal relationships and knowledge of the local market to assess credit risks, have long been a source of funding for small business. The development of more-sophisticated techniques in small business loan underwriting, including the use of credit scoring, has helped make small business lending more attractive to larger institutions as well (Cowan and Cowan, 2006). And research demonstrates that internal finance--that is, financing from the personal resources of owners, family, friends, and business associates--can help offset a lack of access to capital and is crucial to both new and established small enterprises (Rosen, 1998; Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen, 1994a,b). For some potential low-income entrepreneurs, however, none of these options is feasible. Microfinance was designed to bridge this gap.

The Future of Microfinance in the United States
As I have emphasized, microenterprise development programs in the United States are about much more than the extension of credit, though access to credit remains a central concern. Many programs take a holistic approach, offering interconnected services that complement lending activities and are targeted at entrepreneurs at each stage of business development. Services being offered include up-front business training; specialized technical assistance; mentoring programs; sector-specific advice and support; networking opportunities; coordinated sales and marketing programs; and the development of formal links with banks, local community colleges, and other institutions (Edgcomb and Klein, 2005). Of course, many start-up businesses don't make it; that's an inescapable aspect of the risks that small business entrepreneurs face. But the services provided by microenterprise programs offer borrowers a strong foundation in the fundamentals of running a business and give their businesses a better chance to grow and flourish in a competitive marketplace.

These services benefit the lender by making the borrowers more creditworthy, but providing these services to budding entrepreneurs is labor intensive and requires considerable expertise. Because microfinance clients are rarely able to pay for these services, the costs have generally been underwritten by philanthropic efforts and public-private partnerships. Whether U.S. microfinance programs can become financially self-sustaining is a key question for the future.

Currently, microenterprise organizations are experimenting with business models in the effort to promote self-sustainability. Some are trying to enhance their profitability by offering a wider array of fee-based services, such as check cashing and the facilitation of remittances. Others have turned to technology to reduce their costs. Acción USA, for instance, has reduced transaction, underwriting, and servicing costs through an Internet lending initiative.4 It has also reduced its training costs through online and distance-learning courses. Another web-based effort, MicroMentor, matches inexperienced entrepreneurs with more experienced businesspeople, thereby providing important assistance to new business owners at a relatively low cost (http://www.micromentor.org/ Leaving the Board). The Association for Enterprise Opportunity, the principal trade association for microenterprise programs, serves as a forum for learning about innovations, developments, and best practices in this field (http://www.microenterpriseworks.org/ Leaving the Board).

Another promising avenue for the future of microfinance is the development of more partnerships with mainstream banking institutions. Mainstream banks typically don't offer the array of supportive services found at microlenders. But by partnering with a microlender that incubates very small businesses, mainstream institutions can gain new customers when the borrowers "graduate" from the microfinance program and seek larger loans. And these new customers will be more creditworthy borrowers because of the early support they received from the microfinance organization. Acción Texas and other microfinance organizations have established several mutually beneficial partnerships with large banking institutions. Such partnerships serve as two-way referral systems between the microlenders and large banks and help break down the barriers between mainstream institutions and underserved entrepreneurs.

Conclusion
To sum up, I want to affirm the important role that microfinance plays in bringing the opportunity for entrepreneurship to people who otherwise might not have it. Although some businesses will inevitably fall by the wayside, those that flourish and grow are likely to have better management and better long-term prospects than they would have without the support of microenterprise programs. Successful microbusinesses provide jobs as well as valuable products and services to their communities. Not least important, they can provide economic independence and self-reliance for the owner-entrepreneurs. The full benefits of this movement are difficult to calculate. Indeed, one important challenge for the future is to find ways to better measure the impact and cost effectiveness of microfinance programs. What is clear is that the microfinance movement has grown and adapted considerably during its short history in the United States. I hope that microfinance organizations will sustain their energetic spirit of innovation and experimentation as they strive to become more self-sufficient and adapt to our ever-changing economy.



References

Assanie, Laila, and Raghav Virmani (2006). "Incubating Microfinance: The Texas Border Experience," Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (September/October), pp. 3-7.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2007). Report to the Congress on the Availability of Credit to Small Businesses. Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October.

Carr, James H., and Zhong Yi Tong, eds. (2002). Replicating Microfinance in the United States. Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

Cowan, Charles D., and Adrian M. Cowan (2006). "A Survey-Based Assessment of Financial Institution Use of Credit Scoring for Small Business Lending (690 KB PDF)." Washington: U.S. Small Business Administration, Office of Advocacy, November.

Edgcomb, Elaine L., and Joyce A. Klein (2005). "Opening Opportunities, Building Ownership: Fulfilling the Promise of Microenterprise in the United States." Leaving the BoardWashington: Microenterprise Fund for Innovation, Effectiveness, Learning and Development (FIELD) at the Aspen Institute, February, www.fieldus.org/Projects/MovingForward.html.

Holtz-Eakin, Douglas, David Joulfaian, and Harvey S. Rosen (1994a). "Entrepreneurial Decisions and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board RAND Journal of Economics, vol. 24 (Summer), pp. 334-47.

_________ (1994b). "Sticking It Out: Entrepreneurial Survival and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board Journal of Political Economy, vol. 102 (February), pp. 53-75.

Knaup, Amy E. (2005). "Survival and Longevity in the Business Employment Dynamics Data," Monthly Labor Review, vol. 128 (May), pp. 50-56.

Rosen, Harvey S. (1998). "The Future of Entrepreneurial Finance," Leaving the Board Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 22 (August), pp. 1105-07.

Yunus, Muhammad (2006). "Nobel Lecture," Leaving the Board acceptance speech delivered at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, Oslo, December 10, www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates.

Footnotes

1. Additional information is available on the United Nations website, "International Year of Microcredit," www.yearofmicrocredit.org. Leaving the Board

2. Acción USA, About Us: Our Impact, Leaving the Board www.accionusa.org/site/c.lvKVL9MUIsG/b.1388811/k.46F7/ACCIONs_Impact_on_Small_Businesses.htm.

3. Acción Texas, "Economic and Community Impact of Acción Texas, 1994-2005," Leaving the Board www.acciontexas.org/economic_impact_report.php.

4. Acción USA, Get a Loan Leaving the Board, https://secure.accionusa.org.

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버넘 의원, 英 집권 노동당 새 대표로 [런던=뉴스핌] 장일현 특파원 = '북부의 왕'으로 불리는 앤디 버넘 의원이 17일(현지 시각) 영국 집권 여당인 노동당의 새 대표에 올랐다.  버넘 대표는 오는 20일 키어 스타머 총리를 이어 영국의 차기 총리 자리를 확정했다. 의원내각제를 채택하고 있는 영국은 의회 다수를 차지하고 있는 집권당의 대표가 총리가 된다. 노동당은 이날 특별 당대회를 열고 버넘 의원을 당 대표로 공식 선출했다. 버넘은 전날 마감된 당 대표 경선 후보 등록에서 단독으로 등록했다. 영국 일간 가디언은 "노동당 공보에 따르면 버넘은 노동당 소속 하원의원 379명과 노동조합·사회주의 단체 23곳의 지지를 받아 당 대표로 선출됐다"고 했다. 현재 노동당은 전체 의석 650석 중 403석을 보유하고 있는데 이중 94%가 버넘을 당 대표로 선택한 것이다.  앤디 버넘 영국 노동당 새 대표가 17일(현지 시각) 특별 당대화에서 대표 수락 연설을 하고 있다. [사진=로이터 뉴스핌] 샤바나 마무드 내무장관의 새 대표 선출 결과 발표와 함께 무대에 오른 버넘은 일성으로 "국민에게 희망을 되돌려주겠다"고 했다.  그는 "저를 지지한 노동당 의원들이 모두 영국 곳곳의 잊혀진 지역을 위해 과거의 노동당을 되찾아 달라는 요구를 들었다"면서 "우리는 그 부름에 응답할 것"이라고 했다. 그러면서 "우리는 오늘 하나로 뭉쳤고, 그 힘을 오랫동안 정치로부터 희망을 잃은 사람들과 지역을 위해 사용할 것"이라고 했다.  그는 이날 연설에서 다섯 가지 변화와 약속을 실천하겠다고 했다. 노당동의 단결을 위해 '파벌 문화'를 종식하겠다고 했고, "이번이 바뀔 수 있는 마지막 기회"라면서 비난보다 문제 해결의 정치를 추구하겠다고 했다. 그는 "영국 정치가 덜 독해졌으면 좋겠다"고도 했다.  세번째 변화로는 노동당의 정치적 지향을 거론하며 노동당답게 승리할 것이라고 했다. 그는 "녹색당보다 더 녹색당처럼 행동하려 하지도 않을 것이고, 영국개혁당(Reform UK)보다 더 개혁당처럼 행동하려 하지 않을 것이며 과거처럼 보수당 옷을 너무 많이 입지도 않을 것"이라고 했다. 그러면서 "담대하고 자신감 있게, 진정한 노동당으로 승리할 것"이라고 했다.  이어 "북부와 남부, 동부와 서부, 스코틀랜드와 웨일스, 북아일랜드 모두를 위한 지도자가 되겠다"는 것이 네 번째 약속이고, 중앙정부가 독접하고 있는 권한을 웨스트민스터와 화이트홀에서 지역 사회로 되돌려주는 지방분권이 다섯 번째 약속이라고 했다.  버넘 대표는 자신이 친기업 노선을 취할 것이라고도 했다. 그는 "그레이터맨체스터 시장 시절 친기업적인 시장이었듯이 노동당 대표가 된 뒤에도 친기업적인 지도자가 될 것"이라며 "우리는 기업과 함께 지역을 되살렸고 그 방식을 영국 전체로 확대할 것"이라고 했다.  1970년 1월 리버풀 북쪽 교외 지역에서 태어난 그는 15세 때 노동당에 가입했다. 케임브리지대에서 영어를 전공한 뒤 의원 보좌관 등을 거쳐 2001년 총선에서 그레이터맨체스트의 리(Leigh) 선거구에서 하원의원에 당선됐다. 이후 16년간 하원의원을 지냈다.  이 기간 토니 블레어와 고든 브라운 정부에서 내무부·재무부 차관, 문화장관, 보건장관 등을 역임했다.  2010년과 2015년에 당 대표에 도전했지만 에드 밀리밴드와 제러미 코빈에서 패했다.  2017년 중앙정치를 떠나 새로 만들어진 그레이터맨체스터 광역시장 선거에 출마해 당선됐고, 2021년과 2024년 선거에서도 내리 승리했다.  시장으로 재직하면서 버스 공영화를 추진하고 통합 대중교통망 구축과 주택 공급 확대 등으로 시민들의 지지를 받았다. 특히 코로나19 팬데믹 당시 중앙 정부에 맞서 북부 지역 지원 확대를 요구하면서 전국적인 인지도를 얻었다. 이때부터 '북부의 왕(King of the North)'이라는 별명이 널리 퍼졌다. 버넘 시장 재임 시절 그레이터맨체스터는 전국 평균을 상회하는 경제성장률을 기록했다.  버넘 대표는 당 대회 연설에 앞서 소셜미디어에 "앞으로 며칠은 영국을 누가 통치하느냐만 바꾸는 것이 아니며 영국이 어떻게 통치되는지를 바꾸는 것"이라고 했다. 그러면서 "권력을 있어야 할 곳으로 되돌릴 기회"라고 했다.  그는 정치적으로는 현 스타머 총리보다 더욱 왼쪽에 있는 것으로 평가되고 있다. 주택과 교통, 교육 등과 관련된 권한을 지방으로 분산해 각 지역에 맞는 경제 발전을 추구해야 한다는 내용의 '맨체스터리즘'(Manchesterism)을 주장한다.  맨체스터에 제2 총리실을 둬 중앙정부와 효율적으로 업무를 조율하는 '북부 총리실(No. 10 North)' 구상도 밝혔다.  ihjang67@newspim.com   2026-07-17 23:06
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신진서, AI카타고에 제1국 불계패 [서울=뉴스핌] 박상욱 기자 = 두 점을 먼저 놓고 시작했어도 인공지능(AI)의 벽은 높았다. 세계 최강 신진서 9단이 바둑 AI 카타고(KataGo)와의 첫 맞대결에서 아쉬운 역전패를 당했다. 신진서는 17일 서울 중구 한국경제TV 스튜디오에서 열린 카타고와의 '쎈수학·한경 기신전' 3번기 제1국에서 4시간 20분의 혈투 끝에 245수 만에 흑 불계패했다. 이번 대국은 2016년 이세돌과 알파고의 대결 이후 10년 만에 성사된 인간과 AI의 맞대결로 큰 관심을 모았다. 비약적으로 발전한 AI의 기력을 고려해 이번에는 신진서가 2점을 먼저 까는 접바둑으로 진행됐다. 카타고는 첫 수부터 흔들기에 나섰다. 좌상귀 화점에 첫 수를 놓는 변칙수로 신진서의 초반 포석 구상을 깨뜨렸다. 이어 우상귀 쪽에도 높은 걸침 수를 두며 변칙 전술을 이어갔다. 신진서는 전투를 피하고 잔잔하게 국면을 이끌며 중반까지 우세를 유지했다. [AI 챗GPT가 제작한 AI '카타고(KataGo)'와 신진서 9단 기신전(棋神戰) 3번기 일러스트] psoq1337@newspim.com 100수를 넘어서면서 승부처가 나왔다. 미세하게 격차가 좁혀지자 신진서는 백 대마를 잡기 위해 중앙에 승부수를 던졌다. 사람을 상대로는 충분히 통할 수 있는 강력한 공격이었다. 하지만 카타고는 완벽한 계산으로 이를 가뿐하게 타개해 냈다. 112수째에 이르러 흐름은 완전히 뒤집혔다. 역전을 허용한 신진서가 다시 전투를 걸었으나 격차는 오히려 더 벌어졌다. 패색이 짙어진 상황에서도 신진서는 다음 대국을 대비해 30분 가까이 끝내기를 이어가며 카타고를 분석했다. 단 한 차례의 실수도 범하지 않고 버텼지만, 30집 가까이 벌어진 격차를 뒤집기에는 역부족이었다. 결국 신진서는 돌을 던졌고 대국이 끝난 뒤에도 한참 동안 자리를 뜨지 못했다. '쎈수학·한경 기신전'은 승패와 관계없이 3국까지 치러진다. 신진서는 기본 대국료 1억 5000만 원을 확보했으며, 승리할 때마다 5000만 원의 수당을 추가로 받는다. 2승 이상을 거둘 경우 제네시스 G90이 부상으로 주어진다. 설욕을 노리는 신진서의 제2국은 오는 19일 같은 장소에서 열린다. psoq1337@newspim.com 2026-07-17 14:59
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