전체기사 최신뉴스 GAM
KYD 디데이
글로벌

속보

더보기

버냉키, '미국의 마이크로파이낸스' 연설(원문)

기사입력 :

최종수정 :

※ 본문 글자 크기 조정

  • 더 작게
  • 작게
  • 보통
  • 크게
  • 더 크게

※ 번역할 언어 선택

Chairman Ben S. Bernanke
At the ACCIÓN Texas Summit on Microfinance in the United States, San Antonio, Texas
November 6, 2007

Microfinance in the United States

Last month I had the pleasure of meeting with someone very well known to this audience but not so well known to Americans generally: Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Perhaps more than any other individual, Dr. Yunus inspired the movement that has become known as microfinance. In 1976, Dr. Yunus founded the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, which became one of the pioneers of the concept of offering small loans to people deemed too poor or insufficiently creditworthy to qualify for traditional bank loans.

The organization and the larger movement it helped spawn have financed the entrepreneurial aspirations of many thousands of people. The great majority of those who have benefited from Grameen Bank loans have been women, particularly poor rural women. Microfinance has offered borrowers, in Dr. Yunus's words, "a fair chance to unleash their energy and creativity" (Yunus, 2006). His innovative thinking and dedication to poverty relief through the extension of credit were honored in 2006 by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. And the movement itself was recognized when the United Nations declared 2005 to be the International Year of Microcredit.1

The microfinance, or microcredit, movement has spread throughout the world--to other parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and, more recently, to the United States. Although the social and economic contexts differ widely across countries, the fundamental purpose of microfinance programs remains the same: to offer small loans and other financial services to low-income people to help them increase their incomes through entrepreneurship and self-employment.

Acción Texas has been an exemplar of the movement in the United States. I am very pleased to speak at your summit meeting today for many reasons, not the least of which is the opportunity to visit again with Janie Barrera, the president of Acción Texas. I had the pleasure of working with Janie when she was a member of the Federal Reserve Board's Consumer Advisory Council, which has been an invaluable resource for the Board over the years on all aspects of consumer protection regulation and community development initiatives. Soon after I became a member of the Board in 2002, Janie collaborated with the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas to invite me and one of my fellow Board members, Susan Bies, to Brownsville, Texas. We toured local housing and community development projects and visited a small business that had gotten its start with the help of a microloan from Acción Texas.

In the remainder of my remarks I will speak about the development of the microfinance movement in the United States, putting it into an international context and discussing as well how it fits into the broader landscape of small business financing in this country. I will close with some thoughts on the challenges facing the U.S. movement as it continues to grow and mature.

The Development of the U.S. Microfinance Movement
Although the United States came relatively late to the microfinance movement, experimentation in the 1980s and 1990s laid the groundwork for the lively network of programs we see today. Acción has been at the forefront of the development of microfinance in the United States. Acción International began its microlending activities in Latin America in 1961 and established an affiliate organization in the United States, Acción USA, in 1991. Over the years, the U.S. Acción network has grown to become one of the country's largest microfinance providers. Since its founding, the U.S. Acción network has loaned $180 million to nearly 20,000 borrowers in thirty-five states.2

Of course, the operational details of U.S. microfinance programs differ significantly from those in overseas programs, but as I mentioned, they share similar goals and core values. As it does in developing countries, the microfinance movement in the United States seeks to expand economic opportunities for individuals and to foster community economic development by providing small loans and other business services to people who have been traditionally underserved by mainstream financial institutions. Loan features--including size, collateral requirements, and repayment terms--are typically more flexible than those of standard bank loans and are tailored to the needs of low- and moderate-income entrepreneurs.

In the United States, however, credit is only one part of the microfinance package. To a greater extent than overseas, microfinance programs here have expanded their offerings to deliver education, training, and various other services to nascent entrepreneurs. The goals of these supplemental activities are twofold: to improve the survival rate of the borrowers' start-up businesses and to mitigate credit risks for the lender. Several factors have driven the U.S. microfinance industry to diversify beyond simply lending. The complexity of the U.S. market for financial services requires greater financial management skills than are typically needed in developing countries. Here, even very small businesses are likely to have to deal with factors--such as taxes, licenses, and zoning laws--that can prove daunting hurdles to the inexperienced, aspiring business owner (Assanie and Virmani, 2006). By contrast, entrepreneurs in developing countries tend to operate in the informal sector, often out of the sight of regulators and tax authorities. Yet another difference between the U.S. context and that of the developing world is that, in the United States, aspiring entrepreneurs may have access to alternative sources of credit. Although they may not be able to obtain traditional small business loans, some can qualify for credit cards, home equity credit lines, or other alternatives to microcredit, whereas many of Grameen Bank's clients in Bangladesh, for example, have no such alternatives. Thus, while lending remains a very important part of U.S. microfinance programs, it is not as central to the broader mission as is typically the case in the developing world.

In helping local enterprises get under way, microfinance organizations help deliver the social benefits often associated with such businesses. For example, microentrepreneurs often involve their family members in their businesses, providing them valuable work experience; and extra income can confer important advantages on future generations, such as a chance for a better education. In addition, entrepreneurs may benefit communities and local economies in multiple ways, as this story of a woman who resides in one of Houston's poorest neighborhoods illustrates. Observing the lack of grocery stores in her community, she approached Acción Texas for funds to open a small organic food store and restaurant. With the help of the microloan, she created a viable business while also improving the options for food shopping in her community. She also provides various services, including neighborhood cooking classes that promote healthy eating habits.

The Place of Microfinance in the Landscape of Small Business Finance
Although comprehensive data on U.S. microfinance as a whole is scarce, many U.S. microfinance institutions measure and track their own performance. Acción Texas, for instance, reports that it loaned $42 million between 1994 and 2005. It estimates that those loans created 982 new jobs and generated about $78 million in economic activity (including earnings of about $25 million and local tax revenue of $4.5 million).3 Thus, despite gaps in the aggregate data, we can get some sense of how microfinance fits into the overall picture of small business finance.

Small businesses, generally defined as firms having fewer than 500 employees, have always played a vital role in the U.S. economy. Together, they employ more than half of private-sector workers and produce more than half of private-sector output (Board of Governors, 2007). The enterprises that microlenders finance are, of course, the very smallest of small businesses, but such firms make up a substantial share of the U.S. small business sector: 20 percent of small businesses in the United States have only one individual working in the firm, and 40 percent have two to four people working. Among these smaller firms, nearly 25 percent were founded or acquired by a new owner within the past four years.

Thus microenterprises not only provide a path to economic self-reliance for owner-entrepreneurs and benefit their local communities, but they are also important for the economy as a whole. There is some truth to the popular image of the successful firm which had its beginnings in someone's garage. Microenterprises can grow into small businesses, and small businesses can grow into large firms. Thus, microfinance plays the role of business incubator by compensating for the difficulties faced by very small firms and startups in obtaining credit from established financial intermediaries. These difficulties arise because lending to small businesses is typically considered riskier and more costly than lending to larger firms. Small businesses are often more susceptible to changes in the broader economy and generally have a much higher rate of failure than larger operations, although the survival rate of small firms increases with age (Knaup, 2005).Collateral may be used to help mitigate the risk to lenders, but the smallest and youngest firms often have few assets available to pledge. Besides being riskier, lending to small firms can be more expensive. It costs more per dollar loaned both to evaluate their credit applications and to monitor their ongoing performance. Many small businesses lack detailed balance sheets and other financial information used by underwriters in making lending decisions. And the small firm does not issue publicly traded debt or other securities whose values in the marketplace serve as a signal of its profit expectations.

Of course, despite these challenges, many smaller businesses do manage to obtain the credit and capital they need. Community banks, which rely on personal relationships and knowledge of the local market to assess credit risks, have long been a source of funding for small business. The development of more-sophisticated techniques in small business loan underwriting, including the use of credit scoring, has helped make small business lending more attractive to larger institutions as well (Cowan and Cowan, 2006). And research demonstrates that internal finance--that is, financing from the personal resources of owners, family, friends, and business associates--can help offset a lack of access to capital and is crucial to both new and established small enterprises (Rosen, 1998; Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen, 1994a,b). For some potential low-income entrepreneurs, however, none of these options is feasible. Microfinance was designed to bridge this gap.

The Future of Microfinance in the United States
As I have emphasized, microenterprise development programs in the United States are about much more than the extension of credit, though access to credit remains a central concern. Many programs take a holistic approach, offering interconnected services that complement lending activities and are targeted at entrepreneurs at each stage of business development. Services being offered include up-front business training; specialized technical assistance; mentoring programs; sector-specific advice and support; networking opportunities; coordinated sales and marketing programs; and the development of formal links with banks, local community colleges, and other institutions (Edgcomb and Klein, 2005). Of course, many start-up businesses don't make it; that's an inescapable aspect of the risks that small business entrepreneurs face. But the services provided by microenterprise programs offer borrowers a strong foundation in the fundamentals of running a business and give their businesses a better chance to grow and flourish in a competitive marketplace.

These services benefit the lender by making the borrowers more creditworthy, but providing these services to budding entrepreneurs is labor intensive and requires considerable expertise. Because microfinance clients are rarely able to pay for these services, the costs have generally been underwritten by philanthropic efforts and public-private partnerships. Whether U.S. microfinance programs can become financially self-sustaining is a key question for the future.

Currently, microenterprise organizations are experimenting with business models in the effort to promote self-sustainability. Some are trying to enhance their profitability by offering a wider array of fee-based services, such as check cashing and the facilitation of remittances. Others have turned to technology to reduce their costs. Acción USA, for instance, has reduced transaction, underwriting, and servicing costs through an Internet lending initiative.4 It has also reduced its training costs through online and distance-learning courses. Another web-based effort, MicroMentor, matches inexperienced entrepreneurs with more experienced businesspeople, thereby providing important assistance to new business owners at a relatively low cost (http://www.micromentor.org/ Leaving the Board). The Association for Enterprise Opportunity, the principal trade association for microenterprise programs, serves as a forum for learning about innovations, developments, and best practices in this field (http://www.microenterpriseworks.org/ Leaving the Board).

Another promising avenue for the future of microfinance is the development of more partnerships with mainstream banking institutions. Mainstream banks typically don't offer the array of supportive services found at microlenders. But by partnering with a microlender that incubates very small businesses, mainstream institutions can gain new customers when the borrowers "graduate" from the microfinance program and seek larger loans. And these new customers will be more creditworthy borrowers because of the early support they received from the microfinance organization. Acción Texas and other microfinance organizations have established several mutually beneficial partnerships with large banking institutions. Such partnerships serve as two-way referral systems between the microlenders and large banks and help break down the barriers between mainstream institutions and underserved entrepreneurs.

Conclusion
To sum up, I want to affirm the important role that microfinance plays in bringing the opportunity for entrepreneurship to people who otherwise might not have it. Although some businesses will inevitably fall by the wayside, those that flourish and grow are likely to have better management and better long-term prospects than they would have without the support of microenterprise programs. Successful microbusinesses provide jobs as well as valuable products and services to their communities. Not least important, they can provide economic independence and self-reliance for the owner-entrepreneurs. The full benefits of this movement are difficult to calculate. Indeed, one important challenge for the future is to find ways to better measure the impact and cost effectiveness of microfinance programs. What is clear is that the microfinance movement has grown and adapted considerably during its short history in the United States. I hope that microfinance organizations will sustain their energetic spirit of innovation and experimentation as they strive to become more self-sufficient and adapt to our ever-changing economy.



References

Assanie, Laila, and Raghav Virmani (2006). "Incubating Microfinance: The Texas Border Experience," Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (September/October), pp. 3-7.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2007). Report to the Congress on the Availability of Credit to Small Businesses. Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October.

Carr, James H., and Zhong Yi Tong, eds. (2002). Replicating Microfinance in the United States. Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

Cowan, Charles D., and Adrian M. Cowan (2006). "A Survey-Based Assessment of Financial Institution Use of Credit Scoring for Small Business Lending (690 KB PDF)." Washington: U.S. Small Business Administration, Office of Advocacy, November.

Edgcomb, Elaine L., and Joyce A. Klein (2005). "Opening Opportunities, Building Ownership: Fulfilling the Promise of Microenterprise in the United States." Leaving the BoardWashington: Microenterprise Fund for Innovation, Effectiveness, Learning and Development (FIELD) at the Aspen Institute, February, www.fieldus.org/Projects/MovingForward.html.

Holtz-Eakin, Douglas, David Joulfaian, and Harvey S. Rosen (1994a). "Entrepreneurial Decisions and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board RAND Journal of Economics, vol. 24 (Summer), pp. 334-47.

_________ (1994b). "Sticking It Out: Entrepreneurial Survival and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board Journal of Political Economy, vol. 102 (February), pp. 53-75.

Knaup, Amy E. (2005). "Survival and Longevity in the Business Employment Dynamics Data," Monthly Labor Review, vol. 128 (May), pp. 50-56.

Rosen, Harvey S. (1998). "The Future of Entrepreneurial Finance," Leaving the Board Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 22 (August), pp. 1105-07.

Yunus, Muhammad (2006). "Nobel Lecture," Leaving the Board acceptance speech delivered at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, Oslo, December 10, www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates.

Footnotes

1. Additional information is available on the United Nations website, "International Year of Microcredit," www.yearofmicrocredit.org. Leaving the Board

2. Acción USA, About Us: Our Impact, Leaving the Board www.accionusa.org/site/c.lvKVL9MUIsG/b.1388811/k.46F7/ACCIONs_Impact_on_Small_Businesses.htm.

3. Acción Texas, "Economic and Community Impact of Acción Texas, 1994-2005," Leaving the Board www.acciontexas.org/economic_impact_report.php.

4. Acción USA, Get a Loan Leaving the Board, https://secure.accionusa.org.

[관련키워드]

[뉴스핌 베스트 기사]

사진
한국, 체코 2-1로 꺾고 첫 승 [서울=뉴스핌] 한지용 기자 = 2026 국제축구연맹(FIFA) 북중미 월드컵에 나선 홍명보호가 산뜻하게 출발했다. 복병 체코를 꺾고 조별리그 첫 승을 거뒀다. 홍명보 감독이 이끄는 한국 축구 국가 대표팀은 12일 오전 11시(한국시간) 멕시코 과달라하라 에스타디오 아크론에서 열린 대회 조별리그 A조 체코전에서 2-1로 승리했다. 한국은 2010 남아공 월드컵 그리스전 2-0 승리 이후 16년 만에 월드컵 조별리그 1차전에서 승리했다. 이날 승리한 한국은 멕시코(승점 3)에 골득실 차에 밀린 A조 2위에 자리했다.  [과달라하라 로이터=뉴스핌] 황인범이 12일 오전 11시(한국시간) 멕시코 과달라하라 에스타디오 아크론에서 열린 대회 조별리그 A조 체코전에서 1골 1도움을 기록해 2-1 승리를 이끌었다. 2026.06.12 football1229@newspim.com 홍 감독은 그간 평가전에서 활용했던 3-4-2-1 포메이션을 가동했다. 최전방에는 주장 손흥민(LAFC)이 나섰고, 2선에는 이강인(파리 생제르맹)과 이재성(마인츠)이 배치됐다. 중원은 황인범(페예노르트)과 백승호(버밍엄 시티)가 맡았고, 좌우 윙백으로는 이태석(아우스트리아 빈)과 설영우(즈베즈다)가 출전했다. 스리백은 왼쪽부터 이기혁(강원)-김민재(바이에른 뮌헨)-이한범(미트윌란)으로 구성했으며, 골문은 김승규(도쿄)가 지켰다. 경기 초반 한국은 평균 신장 188cm를 내세운 체코의 압박에 공격 전개를 원활히 하지 못했다. 그러나 이강인이 공격 전개에 관여하며 한국이 흐름을 잡기 시작했다. 이강인은 손흥민의 슈팅의 기점 역할을 했고, 김민재의 패스를 받아 직접 강력한 왼발 중거리 슛을 날리며 분위기를 가져왔다. 전반 15분에는 위기를 맞기도 했다. 수비 왼쪽 지역에서 이기혁의 실수로 공을 빼앗기며 체코에 결정적인 기회를 내줬다. 파트리크 시크(레버쿠젠)에게 슈팅 기회가 연결됐지만, 김민재가 몸을 던져 막아내며 실점을 허용하지 않았다. 이후 체코는 장신 선수들을 활용해 공중볼 공격을 시도했고, 한국은 빠른 전환과 측면 공략으로 맞섰다. 하지만 양 팀 모두 결정적인 찬스를 만들지는 못했다. 전반 막판 손흥민이 슈팅 기회 세 차례를 연거푸 잡으며 상대를 흔들었지만, 골망을 흔들지는 못했다. 전반은 0-0으로 끝났다. 전반 슈팅 숫자는 8-2로 한국이 압도 했다. 후반에도 한국이 주도권을 잡은 채 전개됐다. 후반 4분 황인범이 페널티지역 오른쪽에서 잘 돌아서서 낮고 강한 슈팅을 때렸다. 골키퍼 맞고 나온 공에 이재성이 쇄도해서 득점을 노렸으나, 체코 수비에 막혔다. 후반 10분에도 결정적인 찬스를 맞았다. 이재성의 원터치 패스를 받은 손흥민이 페널티박스 왼쪽 지역에서 골키퍼와 1대 1 찬스를 맞았으나, 왼발 슈팅이 골키퍼 몸에 걸렸다.  기회를 살리지 못한 한국은 후반 13분, 끝내 상대 세트피스를 막지 못하고 먼저 실점했다. 오른쪽 지역에서 길게 날아온 스로인을 라디슬라프 크레이치(울버햄프턴)가 헤더로 연결했고, 그대로 한국 골망을 흔들었다. 0-1로 뒤진 상황에서 홍 감독은 이재성을 빼고 황희찬(울버햄프턴)을 투입해 득점을 노렸다. 한국은 다시 주도권을 쥔 채 공격을 전개했다. [과달라하라 로이터=뉴스핌] 황인범이 12일 오전 11시(한국시간) 멕시코 과달라하라 에스타디오 아크론에서 열린 대회 조별리그 A조 체코전에서 동점골을 넣고 있다. 2026.06.12 football1229@newspim.com 후반 22분 황인범이 동점골을 터트렸다. 이강인의 킬패스를 받은 후 페널티박스 왼쪽에서 왼발로 한 번 접은 후 오른발로 침착하게 마무리하며 1-1을 만들었다.  이후 홍 감독은 손흥민과 이태석을 불러들이고, 오현규(베식타시)와 엄지성(스완지시티)를 투입하며 승부수를 띄었다.  후반 32분 체코가 프리킥 상황에서 한국의 골망을 흔들었으나, 오프사이드가 선언됐다. [과달라하라 로이터=뉴스핌] 오현규가 12일 오전 11시(한국시간) 멕시코 과달라하라 에스타디오 아크론에서 열린 대회 조별리그 A조 체코전에서 역전골을 넣고 있다. 2026.06.12 football1229@newspim.com 후반 34분 홍 감독의 승부수가 통했다. 백승호가 오른쪽 넓은 지역으로 침투하는 황인범에게 공을 건넸다. 황인범은 페널티 박스 안으로 오현규에게 패스를 건넸다. 오현규가 지체 없이 원 터치 슈팅으로 연결했고, 골키퍼 맞고 들어가며 한국이 2-1 역전에 성공했다.  한국은 중원에서 활약한 황인범과 백승호를 불러들이고, 박진섭(저장)과 김진규(전북)를 투입해 경기를 지켰다. 이후 체코는 높이를 앞세워 동점을 만들기 위해 노력했으나, 한국 수비가 잘 막았다. 수문장 김승규가 결정적인 세이브 2차례를 기록하며 팀의 승리를 지켰다.  football1229@newspim.com 2026-06-12 13:04
사진
'北 무인기' 윤석열 징역 30년 선고 [서울=뉴스핌] 박민경 기자 = 12·3 비상계엄 선포 명분을 만들기 위해 평양에 무인기 투입 작전을 지시한 혐의로 기소된 윤석열 전 대통령이 1심에서 징역 30년을 선고받았다. 서울중앙지법 형사합의36부(재판장 이정엽)는 12일 윤 전 대통령의 일반이적 및 직권남용 권리행사방해 등 혐의 사건 선고 공판을 열어 이 같이 선고했다. 재판부는 함께 재판에 넘겨진 김용현 전 국방부 장관과 여인형 전 국군방첩사령관은 각각 징역 30년, 징역 15년을 선고했다. 무인기 작전 수행을 지휘한 혐의를 받는 김용대 전 드론작전사령관에게는 징역 3년에 집행유예 5년을 선고했다. 12·3 비상계엄 선포 명분을 만들기 위해 평양에 무인기 투입 작전을 지시한 혐의로 기소된 윤석열 전 대통령이 1심에서 징역 30년을 선고받았다. 사진은 '건군 76주년 국군의 날 기념식'에서 윤 전 대통령과 김용현 장관의 모습. [사진=뉴스핌 DB] ◆ 재판부 "계엄 명분 위해 北 도발 유도"…일반이적·직권남용 유죄 재판부는 윤 전 대통령 등이 북한을 군사적으로 도발해 비상계엄 선포 명분을 만들 목적으로 2024년 10월께 드론작전사령부에 평양 무인기 투입 작전을 지시한 혐의를 유죄로 인정했다. 윤 전 대통령과 김 전 장관, 여 전 사령관은 비상계엄 선포를 위한 명분과 법적 요건을 마련하기 위해 북한의 무력 도발을 유도하고 남북 간 군사적 긴장을 고조시켜 국가 비상상황을 조성하기로 공모한 것으로 인정됐다. 재판부는 이들이 이른바 '심리전' 형태의 무인기 투입 작전을 통해 북한을 자극하고 군사적 도발을 유도하려 했으며, 김 전 장관의 지시에 따라 실제 작전이 실행됐다고 봤다. 또 "이 사건 작전은 북한을 자극하고 도발 명분을 제공함으로써 군사적 충돌에 따른 국민과 군의 인명·재산 피해 위험을 발생시켰다"며 "대한민국이 보유한 군사력을 국가안전보장이나 국토방위와 무관한 사적 목적으로 사용한 것으로 불필요한 군사력 소모를 초래하고 국가의 군사상 이익을 해했다"고 지적했다. 윤 전 대통령과 김 전 장관이 작전 지시 과정에서 직권을 남용한 혐의 역시 유죄로 봤다. 재판부는 "군인에 대한 일반적 지휘권을 가진 피고인들이 위법한 작전을 수행하게 했다"라며 "직권을 남용해 순차적인 지시를 통해 군인들에게 의무 없는 일을 하게 한 것"이라고 말했다.  윤 전 대통령측 변호인단은 선고가 끝난뒤 "국가 방위를 위한 군사적 대응을 범죄로 규정하고 이를 이적 행위로 판단한 것은 국가의 기본 책무를 외면한 것"이라며 "특검의 기소와 이번 재판은 대한민국의 안보 역량과 자유민주적 기본질서에 상처를 남긴 사건으로 기록될 것"이라고 주장했다. 사진은 윤 전 대통령 변호인단.[서울=뉴스핌] 박민경 기자= 2026.06.12 pmk1459@newspim.com ◆ 재판부 "계엄 위해 北 도발 유도" vs 尹 측 "군사 대응을 범죄로 규정" 재판부는 양형 이유를 설명하며 윤 전 대통령 등이 일부러 국가 비상사태를 만들려고 했다고 판단했다. 재판부는 "이 사건 일반이적 범행의 본질은 비상계엄을 선포할 수 있는 상황을 조성하기 위해 군사작전이라는 외형을 만들어 북한의 도발을 유도한 데 있다"고 밝혔다. 특히 윤 전 대통령에 대해서는 "국가의 존립과 안전을 수호할 책무를 지닌 대통령이 국군통수권과 계엄선포권을 자신의 정치적 이익을 위해 사용할 수 있다고 믿고 이 사건 작전을 승인했다"고 질타했다. 김 전 장관에 대해서는 "국방부 장관 취임 직후부터 비상계엄 상황 조성을 위해 작전을 주도적으로 계획·지시했고, 작전 실행 사실을 은폐하기 위한 범행까지 저질렀다"고 판단했다. 이 사건은 국가안보와 관련된 기밀 사항을 다룬다는 이유로 그동안 공판이 모두 비공개로 진행됐다. 윤 전 대통령측 변호인단은 선고가 끝난 뒤 "국가 방위를 위한 군사적 대응을 범죄로 규정하고 이를 이적 행위로 판단한 것은 국가의 기본 책무를 외면한 것"이라며 "특검의 기소와 이번 재판은 대한민국의 안보 역량과 자유민주적 기본질서에 상처를 남긴 사건으로 기록될 것"이라고 주장했다. 이어 "그 책임과 평가는 결국 역사의 엄정한 심판 앞에서 가려질 것"이라고 덧붙였다. 조은석 내란 특별검사팀은 지난 결심 공판에서 윤 전 대통령에게 징역 30년, 김 전 장관에게 징역 25년, 여 전 사령관에게 징역 20년, 김 전 사령관에게 징역 5년을 각각 구형했다. 특검팀은 윤 전 대통령 등이 단순 군사작전이라는 목적을 넘어 비상계엄 여건 조성을 위한 목적과 의도를 가지고 무인기 침투를 지시했고, 평양에 무인기가 추락해 군사적으로도 해를 끼쳤다고 봤다.  pmk1459@newspim.com 2026-06-12 12:32
기사 번역
결과물 출력을 준비하고 있어요.
종목 추적기

S&P 500 기업 중 기사 내용이 영향을 줄 종목 추적

결과물 출력을 준비하고 있어요.

긍정 영향 종목

  • Lockheed Martin Corp. Industrials
    우크라이나 안보 지원 강화 기대감으로 방산 수요 증가 직접적. 미·러 긴장 완화 불확실성 속에서도 방위산업 매출 안정성 강화 예상됨.

부정 영향 종목

  • Caterpillar Inc. Industrials
    우크라이나 전쟁 장기화 시 건설 및 중장비 수요 불확실성 직접적. 글로벌 인프라 투자 지연으로 매출 성장 둔화 가능성 있음.
이 내용에 포함된 데이터와 의견은 뉴스핌 AI가 분석한 결과입니다. 정보 제공 목적으로만 작성되었으며, 특정 종목 매매를 권유하지 않습니다. 투자 판단 및 결과에 대한 책임은 투자자 본인에게 있습니다. 주식 투자는 원금 손실 가능성이 있으므로, 투자 전 충분한 조사와 전문가 상담을 권장합니다.
안다쇼핑
Top으로 이동