전체기사 최신뉴스 GAM
KYD 디데이
글로벌

속보

더보기

버냉키, '미국의 마이크로파이낸스' 연설(원문)

기사입력 :

최종수정 :

※ 본문 글자 크기 조정

  • 더 작게
  • 작게
  • 보통
  • 크게
  • 더 크게

※ 번역할 언어 선택

Chairman Ben S. Bernanke
At the ACCIÓN Texas Summit on Microfinance in the United States, San Antonio, Texas
November 6, 2007

Microfinance in the United States

Last month I had the pleasure of meeting with someone very well known to this audience but not so well known to Americans generally: Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Perhaps more than any other individual, Dr. Yunus inspired the movement that has become known as microfinance. In 1976, Dr. Yunus founded the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, which became one of the pioneers of the concept of offering small loans to people deemed too poor or insufficiently creditworthy to qualify for traditional bank loans.

The organization and the larger movement it helped spawn have financed the entrepreneurial aspirations of many thousands of people. The great majority of those who have benefited from Grameen Bank loans have been women, particularly poor rural women. Microfinance has offered borrowers, in Dr. Yunus's words, "a fair chance to unleash their energy and creativity" (Yunus, 2006). His innovative thinking and dedication to poverty relief through the extension of credit were honored in 2006 by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. And the movement itself was recognized when the United Nations declared 2005 to be the International Year of Microcredit.1

The microfinance, or microcredit, movement has spread throughout the world--to other parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and, more recently, to the United States. Although the social and economic contexts differ widely across countries, the fundamental purpose of microfinance programs remains the same: to offer small loans and other financial services to low-income people to help them increase their incomes through entrepreneurship and self-employment.

Acción Texas has been an exemplar of the movement in the United States. I am very pleased to speak at your summit meeting today for many reasons, not the least of which is the opportunity to visit again with Janie Barrera, the president of Acción Texas. I had the pleasure of working with Janie when she was a member of the Federal Reserve Board's Consumer Advisory Council, which has been an invaluable resource for the Board over the years on all aspects of consumer protection regulation and community development initiatives. Soon after I became a member of the Board in 2002, Janie collaborated with the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas to invite me and one of my fellow Board members, Susan Bies, to Brownsville, Texas. We toured local housing and community development projects and visited a small business that had gotten its start with the help of a microloan from Acción Texas.

In the remainder of my remarks I will speak about the development of the microfinance movement in the United States, putting it into an international context and discussing as well how it fits into the broader landscape of small business financing in this country. I will close with some thoughts on the challenges facing the U.S. movement as it continues to grow and mature.

The Development of the U.S. Microfinance Movement
Although the United States came relatively late to the microfinance movement, experimentation in the 1980s and 1990s laid the groundwork for the lively network of programs we see today. Acción has been at the forefront of the development of microfinance in the United States. Acción International began its microlending activities in Latin America in 1961 and established an affiliate organization in the United States, Acción USA, in 1991. Over the years, the U.S. Acción network has grown to become one of the country's largest microfinance providers. Since its founding, the U.S. Acción network has loaned $180 million to nearly 20,000 borrowers in thirty-five states.2

Of course, the operational details of U.S. microfinance programs differ significantly from those in overseas programs, but as I mentioned, they share similar goals and core values. As it does in developing countries, the microfinance movement in the United States seeks to expand economic opportunities for individuals and to foster community economic development by providing small loans and other business services to people who have been traditionally underserved by mainstream financial institutions. Loan features--including size, collateral requirements, and repayment terms--are typically more flexible than those of standard bank loans and are tailored to the needs of low- and moderate-income entrepreneurs.

In the United States, however, credit is only one part of the microfinance package. To a greater extent than overseas, microfinance programs here have expanded their offerings to deliver education, training, and various other services to nascent entrepreneurs. The goals of these supplemental activities are twofold: to improve the survival rate of the borrowers' start-up businesses and to mitigate credit risks for the lender. Several factors have driven the U.S. microfinance industry to diversify beyond simply lending. The complexity of the U.S. market for financial services requires greater financial management skills than are typically needed in developing countries. Here, even very small businesses are likely to have to deal with factors--such as taxes, licenses, and zoning laws--that can prove daunting hurdles to the inexperienced, aspiring business owner (Assanie and Virmani, 2006). By contrast, entrepreneurs in developing countries tend to operate in the informal sector, often out of the sight of regulators and tax authorities. Yet another difference between the U.S. context and that of the developing world is that, in the United States, aspiring entrepreneurs may have access to alternative sources of credit. Although they may not be able to obtain traditional small business loans, some can qualify for credit cards, home equity credit lines, or other alternatives to microcredit, whereas many of Grameen Bank's clients in Bangladesh, for example, have no such alternatives. Thus, while lending remains a very important part of U.S. microfinance programs, it is not as central to the broader mission as is typically the case in the developing world.

In helping local enterprises get under way, microfinance organizations help deliver the social benefits often associated with such businesses. For example, microentrepreneurs often involve their family members in their businesses, providing them valuable work experience; and extra income can confer important advantages on future generations, such as a chance for a better education. In addition, entrepreneurs may benefit communities and local economies in multiple ways, as this story of a woman who resides in one of Houston's poorest neighborhoods illustrates. Observing the lack of grocery stores in her community, she approached Acción Texas for funds to open a small organic food store and restaurant. With the help of the microloan, she created a viable business while also improving the options for food shopping in her community. She also provides various services, including neighborhood cooking classes that promote healthy eating habits.

The Place of Microfinance in the Landscape of Small Business Finance
Although comprehensive data on U.S. microfinance as a whole is scarce, many U.S. microfinance institutions measure and track their own performance. Acción Texas, for instance, reports that it loaned $42 million between 1994 and 2005. It estimates that those loans created 982 new jobs and generated about $78 million in economic activity (including earnings of about $25 million and local tax revenue of $4.5 million).3 Thus, despite gaps in the aggregate data, we can get some sense of how microfinance fits into the overall picture of small business finance.

Small businesses, generally defined as firms having fewer than 500 employees, have always played a vital role in the U.S. economy. Together, they employ more than half of private-sector workers and produce more than half of private-sector output (Board of Governors, 2007). The enterprises that microlenders finance are, of course, the very smallest of small businesses, but such firms make up a substantial share of the U.S. small business sector: 20 percent of small businesses in the United States have only one individual working in the firm, and 40 percent have two to four people working. Among these smaller firms, nearly 25 percent were founded or acquired by a new owner within the past four years.

Thus microenterprises not only provide a path to economic self-reliance for owner-entrepreneurs and benefit their local communities, but they are also important for the economy as a whole. There is some truth to the popular image of the successful firm which had its beginnings in someone's garage. Microenterprises can grow into small businesses, and small businesses can grow into large firms. Thus, microfinance plays the role of business incubator by compensating for the difficulties faced by very small firms and startups in obtaining credit from established financial intermediaries. These difficulties arise because lending to small businesses is typically considered riskier and more costly than lending to larger firms. Small businesses are often more susceptible to changes in the broader economy and generally have a much higher rate of failure than larger operations, although the survival rate of small firms increases with age (Knaup, 2005).Collateral may be used to help mitigate the risk to lenders, but the smallest and youngest firms often have few assets available to pledge. Besides being riskier, lending to small firms can be more expensive. It costs more per dollar loaned both to evaluate their credit applications and to monitor their ongoing performance. Many small businesses lack detailed balance sheets and other financial information used by underwriters in making lending decisions. And the small firm does not issue publicly traded debt or other securities whose values in the marketplace serve as a signal of its profit expectations.

Of course, despite these challenges, many smaller businesses do manage to obtain the credit and capital they need. Community banks, which rely on personal relationships and knowledge of the local market to assess credit risks, have long been a source of funding for small business. The development of more-sophisticated techniques in small business loan underwriting, including the use of credit scoring, has helped make small business lending more attractive to larger institutions as well (Cowan and Cowan, 2006). And research demonstrates that internal finance--that is, financing from the personal resources of owners, family, friends, and business associates--can help offset a lack of access to capital and is crucial to both new and established small enterprises (Rosen, 1998; Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen, 1994a,b). For some potential low-income entrepreneurs, however, none of these options is feasible. Microfinance was designed to bridge this gap.

The Future of Microfinance in the United States
As I have emphasized, microenterprise development programs in the United States are about much more than the extension of credit, though access to credit remains a central concern. Many programs take a holistic approach, offering interconnected services that complement lending activities and are targeted at entrepreneurs at each stage of business development. Services being offered include up-front business training; specialized technical assistance; mentoring programs; sector-specific advice and support; networking opportunities; coordinated sales and marketing programs; and the development of formal links with banks, local community colleges, and other institutions (Edgcomb and Klein, 2005). Of course, many start-up businesses don't make it; that's an inescapable aspect of the risks that small business entrepreneurs face. But the services provided by microenterprise programs offer borrowers a strong foundation in the fundamentals of running a business and give their businesses a better chance to grow and flourish in a competitive marketplace.

These services benefit the lender by making the borrowers more creditworthy, but providing these services to budding entrepreneurs is labor intensive and requires considerable expertise. Because microfinance clients are rarely able to pay for these services, the costs have generally been underwritten by philanthropic efforts and public-private partnerships. Whether U.S. microfinance programs can become financially self-sustaining is a key question for the future.

Currently, microenterprise organizations are experimenting with business models in the effort to promote self-sustainability. Some are trying to enhance their profitability by offering a wider array of fee-based services, such as check cashing and the facilitation of remittances. Others have turned to technology to reduce their costs. Acción USA, for instance, has reduced transaction, underwriting, and servicing costs through an Internet lending initiative.4 It has also reduced its training costs through online and distance-learning courses. Another web-based effort, MicroMentor, matches inexperienced entrepreneurs with more experienced businesspeople, thereby providing important assistance to new business owners at a relatively low cost (http://www.micromentor.org/ Leaving the Board). The Association for Enterprise Opportunity, the principal trade association for microenterprise programs, serves as a forum for learning about innovations, developments, and best practices in this field (http://www.microenterpriseworks.org/ Leaving the Board).

Another promising avenue for the future of microfinance is the development of more partnerships with mainstream banking institutions. Mainstream banks typically don't offer the array of supportive services found at microlenders. But by partnering with a microlender that incubates very small businesses, mainstream institutions can gain new customers when the borrowers "graduate" from the microfinance program and seek larger loans. And these new customers will be more creditworthy borrowers because of the early support they received from the microfinance organization. Acción Texas and other microfinance organizations have established several mutually beneficial partnerships with large banking institutions. Such partnerships serve as two-way referral systems between the microlenders and large banks and help break down the barriers between mainstream institutions and underserved entrepreneurs.

Conclusion
To sum up, I want to affirm the important role that microfinance plays in bringing the opportunity for entrepreneurship to people who otherwise might not have it. Although some businesses will inevitably fall by the wayside, those that flourish and grow are likely to have better management and better long-term prospects than they would have without the support of microenterprise programs. Successful microbusinesses provide jobs as well as valuable products and services to their communities. Not least important, they can provide economic independence and self-reliance for the owner-entrepreneurs. The full benefits of this movement are difficult to calculate. Indeed, one important challenge for the future is to find ways to better measure the impact and cost effectiveness of microfinance programs. What is clear is that the microfinance movement has grown and adapted considerably during its short history in the United States. I hope that microfinance organizations will sustain their energetic spirit of innovation and experimentation as they strive to become more self-sufficient and adapt to our ever-changing economy.



References

Assanie, Laila, and Raghav Virmani (2006). "Incubating Microfinance: The Texas Border Experience," Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (September/October), pp. 3-7.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2007). Report to the Congress on the Availability of Credit to Small Businesses. Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October.

Carr, James H., and Zhong Yi Tong, eds. (2002). Replicating Microfinance in the United States. Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

Cowan, Charles D., and Adrian M. Cowan (2006). "A Survey-Based Assessment of Financial Institution Use of Credit Scoring for Small Business Lending (690 KB PDF)." Washington: U.S. Small Business Administration, Office of Advocacy, November.

Edgcomb, Elaine L., and Joyce A. Klein (2005). "Opening Opportunities, Building Ownership: Fulfilling the Promise of Microenterprise in the United States." Leaving the BoardWashington: Microenterprise Fund for Innovation, Effectiveness, Learning and Development (FIELD) at the Aspen Institute, February, www.fieldus.org/Projects/MovingForward.html.

Holtz-Eakin, Douglas, David Joulfaian, and Harvey S. Rosen (1994a). "Entrepreneurial Decisions and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board RAND Journal of Economics, vol. 24 (Summer), pp. 334-47.

_________ (1994b). "Sticking It Out: Entrepreneurial Survival and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board Journal of Political Economy, vol. 102 (February), pp. 53-75.

Knaup, Amy E. (2005). "Survival and Longevity in the Business Employment Dynamics Data," Monthly Labor Review, vol. 128 (May), pp. 50-56.

Rosen, Harvey S. (1998). "The Future of Entrepreneurial Finance," Leaving the Board Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 22 (August), pp. 1105-07.

Yunus, Muhammad (2006). "Nobel Lecture," Leaving the Board acceptance speech delivered at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, Oslo, December 10, www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates.

Footnotes

1. Additional information is available on the United Nations website, "International Year of Microcredit," www.yearofmicrocredit.org. Leaving the Board

2. Acción USA, About Us: Our Impact, Leaving the Board www.accionusa.org/site/c.lvKVL9MUIsG/b.1388811/k.46F7/ACCIONs_Impact_on_Small_Businesses.htm.

3. Acción Texas, "Economic and Community Impact of Acción Texas, 1994-2005," Leaving the Board www.acciontexas.org/economic_impact_report.php.

4. Acción USA, Get a Loan Leaving the Board, https://secure.accionusa.org.

[관련키워드]

[뉴스핌 베스트 기사]

사진
美 국채금리 장중 급등 뒤 하락 [서울=뉴스핌] 고인원 기자= 미국 국채 수익률은 18일(현지시간) 장 초반 상승세를 보인 뒤 하락 전환했고 미 달러화는 주요 통화 대비 좁은 범위에서 움직였다. 미국과 이란의 갈등과 호르무즈 해협을 둘러싼 불확실성이 인플레이션 우려를 자극했지만 최근 미국의 고용과 물가 지표가 예상보다 약하게 나오면서 미 연방준비제도(Fed·연준)의 추가 금리 인상 기대가 낮아진 영향이다. 벤치마크인 미국 10년물 국채 수익률은 1.6bp(1bp=0.01%포인트) 하락한 4.708%를 기록했다. 30년물 국채 수익률은 장중 2007년 이후 최고 수준까지 올랐다가 상승분을 반납해 2.6bp 내린 5.284%를 나타냈다. 연준의 통화정책 전망에 민감한 2년물 국채 수익률은 0.5bp 하락한 4.177%를 기록했다. 국채 가격과 수익률은 반대로 움직인다. 미 국채 시장은 앞서 2거래일 연속 약세를 보였다. 미국뿐 아니라 주요국의 장기 국채 수익률이 수십 년 만의 최고 수준에 근접하는 등 글로벌 채권시장에서 매도세가 이어졌지만 이날 미 국채 수익률은 장중 방향을 틀었다. 미 국채 10년물 차트, 자료=야후 파이낸스, 2026.08.19 koinwon@newspim.com ◆고용·물가 이어 산업생산도 둔화…9월 금리 동결 기대↑ 여름철 거래가 한산한 데다 이번 주 시장의 방향을 결정할 만한 주요 경제지표가 많지 않은 가운데 투자자들은 미국과 이란의 갈등과 향후 연준의 통화정책 경로에 주목했다. 재니의 가이 르바스 수석 채권 전략가는 "경제지표는 많지 않고 시장의 무기력감은 큰 상황이어서 이 두 가지가 겹치면 가벼운 바람에도 시장이 움직일 수 있다"고 말했다. 이날 발표된 미국 경제지표도 금리 상승세를 제한했다. 연준에 따르면 7월 산업생산은 전월 대비 0.2% 증가해 증가율이 전월보다 0.1%포인트 둔화했다. 소비재 생산 감소 등의 영향으로 시장 예상에도 미치지 못했다. 최근 미국 경제지표는 전반적으로 경기 둔화를 가리키고 있다. 7월 예상 밖의 고용 감소에 이어 소비자물가지수(CPI) 등 물가 지표도 비교적 온건하게 나오면서 시장에서는 연준의 추가 금리 인상 기대가 낮아졌다. 시장에서는 현재 연준이 9월 기준금리를 0.25%포인트 인상하기보다 동결할 가능성을 약 70%로 보고 있다. ◆ 달러인덱스 99.63…연준 비둘기파 기대에 상승폭 제한 미 국채 수익률 하락에도 달러화는 뚜렷한 방향을 잡지 못했다. 주요 6개 통화 대비 달러화 가치를 나타내는 달러인덱스는 0.09% 상승한 99.63을 기록했다. 유로화는 전날 기록한 2개월 만의 최고치인 1.161달러에서 소폭 내려와 0.03% 상승한 1.15760달러에 거래됐다. 영국 파운드화는 0.04% 하락한 1.35356달러를 기록했고 달러화는 스위스프랑 대비 0.17% 상승한 0.81230프랑을 나타냈다. 머니코프 북미의 유진 엡스타인 구조화상품 책임자는 최근 달러화 움직임이 연준의 예상보다 비둘기파적인 태도와 이에 대한 시장의 해석을 반영하고 있다고 분석했다. 그는 "최근 CPI가 인플레이션 압력을 시사하지 않았고 고용지표 역시 마찬가지였다"며 "갑자기 달러가 약해졌고 이러한 흐름이 대부분의 통화쌍에 반영되고 있다"고 말했다. 스코샤뱅크도 온건한 인플레이션과 미국 노동시장의 약화 조짐을 고려하면 현시점에서 9월 금리 인상 가능성이 매우 낮다고 평가했다. 이어 단기적인 달러화 상승은 여전히 매도 기회로 판단한다고 밝혔다. 다만 미국과 이란의 갈등과 국제유가 상승은 연준의 통화정책 전망을 복잡하게 만드는 변수다. 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령은 이날 이란과 현재 진행 중인 협상이 없으며 예정된 협상도 없다고 밝혔다. 트럼프 대통령은 호르무즈 해협이 열려 있다고 주장했지만 이란은 해당 해협이 여전히 선박 운항에 폐쇄돼 있다고 밝히고 있다. 이란 고위 당국자는 전쟁을 영구적으로 끝내기 위한 협상이 교착 상태에 빠지면서 군사 태세를 '전면적인 공세'로 전환할 것이라고 밝혔다. 미국 역시 지난 6월 체결한 휴전 합의를 연장하지 않겠다는 입장이다. 호르무즈 해협의 장기 폐쇄가 에너지 공급에 미칠 우려가 이어지면서 브렌트유 선물은 이날 0.17% 오른 배럴당 91.02달러에 거래를 마쳤다. 이는 지난 7월 24일 이후 가장 높은 수준이다. ◆ 19일 FOMC 의사록·20년물 입찰 주목…금리 향방 가른다 유가 상승에 따른 인플레이션 재확산 우려는 미국뿐 아니라 세계 채권시장에도 부담을 주고 있다. 미국 30년물 국채 수익률은 이날 장중 2007년 이후 최고 수준을 기록했고 주요국 장기 국채 수익률도 동반 상승했다. 시타델증권의 노샤드 샤 유럽·중동·아프리카(EMEA) 채권 영업 책임자는 "인플레이션은 지난 5년 대부분의 기간 동안 목표치를 웃돌았다"며 공급 충격이 계속되는 상황에서는 물가가 다시 상승할 위험에 대응할 여유가 크지 않다고 지적했다. 외환시장에서는 엔화의 움직임도 주목받았다. 엔화는 달러 대비 0.08% 하락한 달러당 159.605엔을 기록했다. 7월 말 미국과 일본이 엔화 강세를 유도하기 위해 공동으로 시장에 개입한 이후 나타났던 상승폭의 거의 절반을 반납했다. 당시 엔화는 40년 만의 최저 수준인 달러당 163.99엔까지 하락했다. 시장에서는 추가 외환시장 개입 가능성과 다음 달 일본은행(BOJ)의 금융정책결정회의를 주시하고 있다. 시장은 일본은행이 다음 달 기준금리를 인상할 것으로 예상하고 있다. 달러/원 환율은 19일 오전 6시 50분 기준 전장 대비 5.29% 하락한 1413.00원에 거래되고 있다.    시장의 시선은 19일 공개되는 7월 연방공개시장위원회(FOMC) 의사록으로 향하고 있다. 투자자들은 최근 고용과 물가 둔화에도 국제유가와 장기금리가 높은 수준을 유지하는 상황에서 연준 위원들이 향후 금리 경로를 어떻게 판단하고 있는지 확인할 전망이다. 미국 재무부가 같은 날 실시하는 20년물 국채 입찰 결과도 장기금리 흐름을 좌우할 변수로 꼽힌다. koinwon@newspim.com 2026-08-19 06:56
사진
코스피 급락에 매도사이드카 발동 [서울=뉴스핌] 이건주 기자 = 19일 코스피 지수가 전 거래일보다 341.06포인트(4.96%) 내린 6528.77에 개장했다. 코스닥 지수는 전 거래일보다 24.12포인트(2.89%) 내린 810.08에 거래를 시작했다. 서울 외환시장에서 달러/원 환율은 9시 기준 1413.5원을 기록했다. 이날 오전 서울 중구 하나은행 딜링룸에서 딜러들이 업무를 보고 있다. 2026.08.19 kunjoo@newspim.com   2026-08-19 09:26
기사 번역
결과물 출력을 준비하고 있어요.
종목 추적기

S&P 500 기업 중 기사 내용이 영향을 줄 종목 추적

결과물 출력을 준비하고 있어요.

긍정 영향 종목

  • Lockheed Martin Corp. Industrials
    우크라이나 안보 지원 강화 기대감으로 방산 수요 증가 직접적. 미·러 긴장 완화 불확실성 속에서도 방위산업 매출 안정성 강화 예상됨.

부정 영향 종목

  • Caterpillar Inc. Industrials
    우크라이나 전쟁 장기화 시 건설 및 중장비 수요 불확실성 직접적. 글로벌 인프라 투자 지연으로 매출 성장 둔화 가능성 있음.
이 내용에 포함된 데이터와 의견은 뉴스핌 AI가 분석한 결과입니다. 정보 제공 목적으로만 작성되었으며, 특정 종목 매매를 권유하지 않습니다. 투자 판단 및 결과에 대한 책임은 투자자 본인에게 있습니다. 주식 투자는 원금 손실 가능성이 있으므로, 투자 전 충분한 조사와 전문가 상담을 권장합니다.
안다쇼핑
Top으로 이동