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Chairman Ben S. Bernanke
At the ACCIÓN Texas Summit on Microfinance in the United States, San Antonio, Texas
November 6, 2007

Microfinance in the United States

Last month I had the pleasure of meeting with someone very well known to this audience but not so well known to Americans generally: Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Perhaps more than any other individual, Dr. Yunus inspired the movement that has become known as microfinance. In 1976, Dr. Yunus founded the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, which became one of the pioneers of the concept of offering small loans to people deemed too poor or insufficiently creditworthy to qualify for traditional bank loans.

The organization and the larger movement it helped spawn have financed the entrepreneurial aspirations of many thousands of people. The great majority of those who have benefited from Grameen Bank loans have been women, particularly poor rural women. Microfinance has offered borrowers, in Dr. Yunus's words, "a fair chance to unleash their energy and creativity" (Yunus, 2006). His innovative thinking and dedication to poverty relief through the extension of credit were honored in 2006 by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. And the movement itself was recognized when the United Nations declared 2005 to be the International Year of Microcredit.1

The microfinance, or microcredit, movement has spread throughout the world--to other parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and, more recently, to the United States. Although the social and economic contexts differ widely across countries, the fundamental purpose of microfinance programs remains the same: to offer small loans and other financial services to low-income people to help them increase their incomes through entrepreneurship and self-employment.

Acción Texas has been an exemplar of the movement in the United States. I am very pleased to speak at your summit meeting today for many reasons, not the least of which is the opportunity to visit again with Janie Barrera, the president of Acción Texas. I had the pleasure of working with Janie when she was a member of the Federal Reserve Board's Consumer Advisory Council, which has been an invaluable resource for the Board over the years on all aspects of consumer protection regulation and community development initiatives. Soon after I became a member of the Board in 2002, Janie collaborated with the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas to invite me and one of my fellow Board members, Susan Bies, to Brownsville, Texas. We toured local housing and community development projects and visited a small business that had gotten its start with the help of a microloan from Acción Texas.

In the remainder of my remarks I will speak about the development of the microfinance movement in the United States, putting it into an international context and discussing as well how it fits into the broader landscape of small business financing in this country. I will close with some thoughts on the challenges facing the U.S. movement as it continues to grow and mature.

The Development of the U.S. Microfinance Movement
Although the United States came relatively late to the microfinance movement, experimentation in the 1980s and 1990s laid the groundwork for the lively network of programs we see today. Acción has been at the forefront of the development of microfinance in the United States. Acción International began its microlending activities in Latin America in 1961 and established an affiliate organization in the United States, Acción USA, in 1991. Over the years, the U.S. Acción network has grown to become one of the country's largest microfinance providers. Since its founding, the U.S. Acción network has loaned $180 million to nearly 20,000 borrowers in thirty-five states.2

Of course, the operational details of U.S. microfinance programs differ significantly from those in overseas programs, but as I mentioned, they share similar goals and core values. As it does in developing countries, the microfinance movement in the United States seeks to expand economic opportunities for individuals and to foster community economic development by providing small loans and other business services to people who have been traditionally underserved by mainstream financial institutions. Loan features--including size, collateral requirements, and repayment terms--are typically more flexible than those of standard bank loans and are tailored to the needs of low- and moderate-income entrepreneurs.

In the United States, however, credit is only one part of the microfinance package. To a greater extent than overseas, microfinance programs here have expanded their offerings to deliver education, training, and various other services to nascent entrepreneurs. The goals of these supplemental activities are twofold: to improve the survival rate of the borrowers' start-up businesses and to mitigate credit risks for the lender. Several factors have driven the U.S. microfinance industry to diversify beyond simply lending. The complexity of the U.S. market for financial services requires greater financial management skills than are typically needed in developing countries. Here, even very small businesses are likely to have to deal with factors--such as taxes, licenses, and zoning laws--that can prove daunting hurdles to the inexperienced, aspiring business owner (Assanie and Virmani, 2006). By contrast, entrepreneurs in developing countries tend to operate in the informal sector, often out of the sight of regulators and tax authorities. Yet another difference between the U.S. context and that of the developing world is that, in the United States, aspiring entrepreneurs may have access to alternative sources of credit. Although they may not be able to obtain traditional small business loans, some can qualify for credit cards, home equity credit lines, or other alternatives to microcredit, whereas many of Grameen Bank's clients in Bangladesh, for example, have no such alternatives. Thus, while lending remains a very important part of U.S. microfinance programs, it is not as central to the broader mission as is typically the case in the developing world.

In helping local enterprises get under way, microfinance organizations help deliver the social benefits often associated with such businesses. For example, microentrepreneurs often involve their family members in their businesses, providing them valuable work experience; and extra income can confer important advantages on future generations, such as a chance for a better education. In addition, entrepreneurs may benefit communities and local economies in multiple ways, as this story of a woman who resides in one of Houston's poorest neighborhoods illustrates. Observing the lack of grocery stores in her community, she approached Acción Texas for funds to open a small organic food store and restaurant. With the help of the microloan, she created a viable business while also improving the options for food shopping in her community. She also provides various services, including neighborhood cooking classes that promote healthy eating habits.

The Place of Microfinance in the Landscape of Small Business Finance
Although comprehensive data on U.S. microfinance as a whole is scarce, many U.S. microfinance institutions measure and track their own performance. Acción Texas, for instance, reports that it loaned $42 million between 1994 and 2005. It estimates that those loans created 982 new jobs and generated about $78 million in economic activity (including earnings of about $25 million and local tax revenue of $4.5 million).3 Thus, despite gaps in the aggregate data, we can get some sense of how microfinance fits into the overall picture of small business finance.

Small businesses, generally defined as firms having fewer than 500 employees, have always played a vital role in the U.S. economy. Together, they employ more than half of private-sector workers and produce more than half of private-sector output (Board of Governors, 2007). The enterprises that microlenders finance are, of course, the very smallest of small businesses, but such firms make up a substantial share of the U.S. small business sector: 20 percent of small businesses in the United States have only one individual working in the firm, and 40 percent have two to four people working. Among these smaller firms, nearly 25 percent were founded or acquired by a new owner within the past four years.

Thus microenterprises not only provide a path to economic self-reliance for owner-entrepreneurs and benefit their local communities, but they are also important for the economy as a whole. There is some truth to the popular image of the successful firm which had its beginnings in someone's garage. Microenterprises can grow into small businesses, and small businesses can grow into large firms. Thus, microfinance plays the role of business incubator by compensating for the difficulties faced by very small firms and startups in obtaining credit from established financial intermediaries. These difficulties arise because lending to small businesses is typically considered riskier and more costly than lending to larger firms. Small businesses are often more susceptible to changes in the broader economy and generally have a much higher rate of failure than larger operations, although the survival rate of small firms increases with age (Knaup, 2005).Collateral may be used to help mitigate the risk to lenders, but the smallest and youngest firms often have few assets available to pledge. Besides being riskier, lending to small firms can be more expensive. It costs more per dollar loaned both to evaluate their credit applications and to monitor their ongoing performance. Many small businesses lack detailed balance sheets and other financial information used by underwriters in making lending decisions. And the small firm does not issue publicly traded debt or other securities whose values in the marketplace serve as a signal of its profit expectations.

Of course, despite these challenges, many smaller businesses do manage to obtain the credit and capital they need. Community banks, which rely on personal relationships and knowledge of the local market to assess credit risks, have long been a source of funding for small business. The development of more-sophisticated techniques in small business loan underwriting, including the use of credit scoring, has helped make small business lending more attractive to larger institutions as well (Cowan and Cowan, 2006). And research demonstrates that internal finance--that is, financing from the personal resources of owners, family, friends, and business associates--can help offset a lack of access to capital and is crucial to both new and established small enterprises (Rosen, 1998; Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen, 1994a,b). For some potential low-income entrepreneurs, however, none of these options is feasible. Microfinance was designed to bridge this gap.

The Future of Microfinance in the United States
As I have emphasized, microenterprise development programs in the United States are about much more than the extension of credit, though access to credit remains a central concern. Many programs take a holistic approach, offering interconnected services that complement lending activities and are targeted at entrepreneurs at each stage of business development. Services being offered include up-front business training; specialized technical assistance; mentoring programs; sector-specific advice and support; networking opportunities; coordinated sales and marketing programs; and the development of formal links with banks, local community colleges, and other institutions (Edgcomb and Klein, 2005). Of course, many start-up businesses don't make it; that's an inescapable aspect of the risks that small business entrepreneurs face. But the services provided by microenterprise programs offer borrowers a strong foundation in the fundamentals of running a business and give their businesses a better chance to grow and flourish in a competitive marketplace.

These services benefit the lender by making the borrowers more creditworthy, but providing these services to budding entrepreneurs is labor intensive and requires considerable expertise. Because microfinance clients are rarely able to pay for these services, the costs have generally been underwritten by philanthropic efforts and public-private partnerships. Whether U.S. microfinance programs can become financially self-sustaining is a key question for the future.

Currently, microenterprise organizations are experimenting with business models in the effort to promote self-sustainability. Some are trying to enhance their profitability by offering a wider array of fee-based services, such as check cashing and the facilitation of remittances. Others have turned to technology to reduce their costs. Acción USA, for instance, has reduced transaction, underwriting, and servicing costs through an Internet lending initiative.4 It has also reduced its training costs through online and distance-learning courses. Another web-based effort, MicroMentor, matches inexperienced entrepreneurs with more experienced businesspeople, thereby providing important assistance to new business owners at a relatively low cost (http://www.micromentor.org/ Leaving the Board). The Association for Enterprise Opportunity, the principal trade association for microenterprise programs, serves as a forum for learning about innovations, developments, and best practices in this field (http://www.microenterpriseworks.org/ Leaving the Board).

Another promising avenue for the future of microfinance is the development of more partnerships with mainstream banking institutions. Mainstream banks typically don't offer the array of supportive services found at microlenders. But by partnering with a microlender that incubates very small businesses, mainstream institutions can gain new customers when the borrowers "graduate" from the microfinance program and seek larger loans. And these new customers will be more creditworthy borrowers because of the early support they received from the microfinance organization. Acción Texas and other microfinance organizations have established several mutually beneficial partnerships with large banking institutions. Such partnerships serve as two-way referral systems between the microlenders and large banks and help break down the barriers between mainstream institutions and underserved entrepreneurs.

Conclusion
To sum up, I want to affirm the important role that microfinance plays in bringing the opportunity for entrepreneurship to people who otherwise might not have it. Although some businesses will inevitably fall by the wayside, those that flourish and grow are likely to have better management and better long-term prospects than they would have without the support of microenterprise programs. Successful microbusinesses provide jobs as well as valuable products and services to their communities. Not least important, they can provide economic independence and self-reliance for the owner-entrepreneurs. The full benefits of this movement are difficult to calculate. Indeed, one important challenge for the future is to find ways to better measure the impact and cost effectiveness of microfinance programs. What is clear is that the microfinance movement has grown and adapted considerably during its short history in the United States. I hope that microfinance organizations will sustain their energetic spirit of innovation and experimentation as they strive to become more self-sufficient and adapt to our ever-changing economy.



References

Assanie, Laila, and Raghav Virmani (2006). "Incubating Microfinance: The Texas Border Experience," Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (September/October), pp. 3-7.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2007). Report to the Congress on the Availability of Credit to Small Businesses. Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October.

Carr, James H., and Zhong Yi Tong, eds. (2002). Replicating Microfinance in the United States. Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

Cowan, Charles D., and Adrian M. Cowan (2006). "A Survey-Based Assessment of Financial Institution Use of Credit Scoring for Small Business Lending (690 KB PDF)." Washington: U.S. Small Business Administration, Office of Advocacy, November.

Edgcomb, Elaine L., and Joyce A. Klein (2005). "Opening Opportunities, Building Ownership: Fulfilling the Promise of Microenterprise in the United States." Leaving the BoardWashington: Microenterprise Fund for Innovation, Effectiveness, Learning and Development (FIELD) at the Aspen Institute, February, www.fieldus.org/Projects/MovingForward.html.

Holtz-Eakin, Douglas, David Joulfaian, and Harvey S. Rosen (1994a). "Entrepreneurial Decisions and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board RAND Journal of Economics, vol. 24 (Summer), pp. 334-47.

_________ (1994b). "Sticking It Out: Entrepreneurial Survival and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board Journal of Political Economy, vol. 102 (February), pp. 53-75.

Knaup, Amy E. (2005). "Survival and Longevity in the Business Employment Dynamics Data," Monthly Labor Review, vol. 128 (May), pp. 50-56.

Rosen, Harvey S. (1998). "The Future of Entrepreneurial Finance," Leaving the Board Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 22 (August), pp. 1105-07.

Yunus, Muhammad (2006). "Nobel Lecture," Leaving the Board acceptance speech delivered at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, Oslo, December 10, www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates.

Footnotes

1. Additional information is available on the United Nations website, "International Year of Microcredit," www.yearofmicrocredit.org. Leaving the Board

2. Acción USA, About Us: Our Impact, Leaving the Board www.accionusa.org/site/c.lvKVL9MUIsG/b.1388811/k.46F7/ACCIONs_Impact_on_Small_Businesses.htm.

3. Acción Texas, "Economic and Community Impact of Acción Texas, 1994-2005," Leaving the Board www.acciontexas.org/economic_impact_report.php.

4. Acción USA, Get a Loan Leaving the Board, https://secure.accionusa.org.

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삼성전자 DS 성과급 1인 평균 6억 [서울=뉴스핌] 김정인 기자 = 삼성전자 노사가 반도체를 담당하는 디바이스솔루션(DS) 부문에 사업성과의 10.5%를 재원으로 하는 특별경영성과급을 신설하기로 잠정 합의했다. 지급 상한을 따로 두지 않기로 하면서 사업성과 산정 기준과 실제 실적에 따라 메모리사업부 임직원의 성과급이 연봉 1억원 기준 최대 6억원 안팎까지 늘어날 수 있다는 관측이 나온다. 21일 업계에 따르면 삼성전자와 초기업노동조합 삼성전자지부는 전날 '2026년 성과급 노사 잠정 합의서'에 서명했다. 합의안은 기존 초과이익성과급(OPI) 제도를 유지하면서 DS부문에 별도의 특별경영성과급을 신설하는 내용을 담고 있다. [수원=뉴스핌] 류기찬 기자 = 김영훈 고용노동부 장관(가운데), 최승호 삼성전자 노조 공동투쟁본부 위원장(오른쪽), 여명구 삼성전자 디바이스솔루션(DS) 피플팀장이 20일 오후 경기 수원시 장안구 경기지방고용노동청에서 열린 삼성전자 노사교섭 결과 브리핑에서 손을 맞잡고 있다. 2026.05.20 ryuchan0925@newspim.com 특별경영성과급 재원은 노사가 합의해 선정한 사업성과의 10.5%로 정했다. 지급률 상한은 두지 않는다. 성과급 재원 배분은 DS부문 전체 기준 40%, 사업부 기준 60%로 나눠 이뤄진다. 공통 조직 지급률은 메모리사업부 지급률의 70% 수준으로 정했다. ◆ 상한 없어진 DS 보상…메모리 직원 6억 가능성 이번 합의안의 핵심은 성과급 상한 폐지다. 기존 OPI는 연봉의 최대 50%까지 지급되는 구조였지만, 새로 도입되는 DS부문 특별경영성과급은 지급 한도를 두지 않는다. 사업성과를 영업이익으로 가정할 경우 메모리사업부 임직원에게 돌아가는 성과급 규모는 크게 늘어날 수 있다. 올해 삼성전자의 영업이익 전망치를 300조원 안팎으로 놓고 계산하면, DS부문 특별경영성과급 재원은 약 31조5000억원 규모가 된다. 이 가운데 40%인 약 12조6000억원은 DS부문 전체 임직원에게 배분된다. DS부문 임직원 수를 약 7만8000명으로 보면 사업부와 관계없이 1인당 약 1억6000만원이 돌아가는 구조다. 나머지 60%인 약 18조9000억원은 사업부별 성과에 따라 배분된다. 파운드리와 시스템LSI 등 비메모리 사업부가 적자로 인해 사업부 배분에서 제외된다고 가정할 경우, 이 재원은 메모리사업부(약 2만8000명)와 공통 조직(약 3만명)에만 돌아가게 된다. 노사가 합의한 '1 대 0.7'의 지급률 비율을 적용해 계산하면, 메모리사업부 임직원은 1인당 약 3억8000만원, 공통 조직은 약 2억7000만원을 추가로 받게 되는 구조다. 메모리사업부 임직원이 기존 OPI로 연봉의 50%를 받을 경우 연봉 1억원 기준 약 5000만원이 더해진다. 이 경우 특별경영성과급과 OPI를 합친 총 성과급은 1인당 최대 6억원 안팎까지 늘어날 수 있다. 다만 이는 사업성과를 영업이익으로 가정한 계산이다. 합의서상 사업성과 산정 기준이 최종적으로 어떻게 정해지는지, 실제 실적이 어느 수준에서 확정되는지에 따라 지급액은 달라질 수 있다. ◆ 적자 사업부도 보상…2027년부터 차등 적용 비메모리 등 적자 사업부도 일정 수준의 성과급을 받을 수 있다. 합의안에 따르면 적자 사업부는 부문 재원을 활용해 산출된 공통 지급률의 60%를 적용받는다. 다만 이 기준은 1년 유예돼 2027년분부터 적용된다. 올해는 적자 사업부에도 DS부문 공통 배분 재원에 따른 성과급이 지급될 가능성이 있다. 사업성과를 영업이익으로 가정한 계산에서는 비메모리 부문 임직원도 최소 1억6000만원가량의 성과급을 받을 수 있다는 분석이 나온다. 특별경영성과급은 현금이 아닌 자사주로 지급된다. 세후 금액 전액을 자사주로 주고, 지급 주식의 3분의 1은 즉시 매각할 수 있다. 나머지 3분의 1씩은 각각 1년, 2년간 매각이 제한된다. DS부문 특별경영성과급 제도는 향후 10년간 적용된다. 2026년부터 2028년까지는 매년 DS부문 영업이익 200조원 달성, 2029년부터 2035년까지는 매년 DS부문 영업이익 100조원 달성이 조건이다. 임금 인상률은 평균 6.2%로 정해졌다. 기본인상률 4.1%, 성과인상률 평균 2.1%를 합친 수치다. 노사는 사내주택 대부 제도 도입과 자녀출산경조금 상향에도 합의했다. 자녀출산경조금은 첫째 100만원, 둘째 200만원, 셋째 이상 500만원으로 오른다. DX부문과 CSS사업팀에는 상생협력 차원에서 600만원 상당의 자사주를 지급하기로 했다. 협력업체 동반성장을 위한 재원 조성 및 운영 계획도 별도로 발표할 예정이다. 다만 잠정 합의안이 최종 확정된 것은 아니다. 노조는 조합원 찬반투표를 거쳐 합의안 수용 여부를 결정할 예정이다. 찬반투표에서 과반 찬성이 나오면 임금협약은 최종 타결된다. kji01@newspim.com 2026-05-21 07:45
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박수현 43.5% vs 김태흠 43.9% [서울=뉴스핌] 송기욱 기자 = 6·3 지방선거 충남지사 선거에 출마한 박수현 더불어민주당 후보와 김태흠 국민의힘 후보가 오차 범위 내 초접전을 벌이고 있는 것으로 조사됐다. 또 충남 도민 10명 중 8명 이상이 이번 지방선거에 투표하겠다는 의향을 밝혔다. ◆ 박수현 43.5% vs 김태흠 43.9%...오차 범위 내 0.4%p 초접전 종합뉴스통신사 뉴스핌 의뢰로 여론조사 전문기관 리얼미터가 지난 18일부터 19일까지 충남 거주 만 18세 이상 남녀 806명을 대상으로 실시한 충남지사 후보 지지도 조사 결과 박수현 후보 43.5%, 김태흠 후보 43.9%였다. 두 후보 간 격차는 0.4%p(포인트)로 오차 범위 안이다. '없음'은 4.6%, '잘 모름'은 8.1%였다. 지역별로는 김 후보가 천안시에서 45.0%를 기록해 박 후보(42.7%)보다 높게 조사됐다. 서남권(보령시·서산시·서천군·예산군·태안군·홍성군)에서도 김 후보는 48.8%로 박 후보(39.2%)보다 높았다. 반면 박 후보는 아산·당진시에서 47.1%를 기록하며 김 후보(37.5%)에 우세했고, 동남권(공주시·논산시·계룡시·금산군·부여군·청양군)에서도 46.0%로 김 후보(43.2%)를 웃돌았다. 연령별로는 김 후보가 만 18~29세에서 40.8%를 기록해 박 후보(31.5%)보다 높았다. 60대에서도 김 후보는 53.5%로 박 후보(41.2%)보다 높았고, 70세 이상에서는 김 후보 61.3%, 박 후보 26.9%였다. 반면 박 후보는 30대에서 40.2%로 김 후보(39.2%)를 소폭 웃돌았다. 40대에서는 박 후보 61.7%, 김 후보 29.2%였고, 50대에서는 박 후보 56.3%, 김 후보 36.0%로 크게 앞섰다.  성별로는 남성층에서 김 후보가 47.1%를 기록해 박 후보(44.1%)보다 높았다. 여성층에서는 박 후보 42.8%, 김 후보 40.5%였다.  정당 지지층별로는 집권 여당인 더불어민주당 지지층의 84.6%가 박 후보를 지지한다고 답했다. 제1야당인 국민의힘 지지층의 89.4%는 김 후보를 택했다. 조국혁신당 지지층에서는 박 후보 64.5%, 김 후보 24.0%였다. 개혁신당 지지층에서는 김 후보 48.5%, 박 후보 31.0%였다. 투표 의향별로는 '반드시 투표하겠다'는 적극 투표층에서 박 후보가 48.8%로 김 후보(45.2%)보다 높았다. 반면 투표 의향층 전체에서는 김 후보 46.2%, 박 후보 43.8%였다. 투표 의향이 없다는 응답층에서는 박 후보 44.6%, 김 후보 27.7%였다. ◆ 충남도민 83.7% "지방선거 투표하겠다" 투표 의향은 83.7%가 투표하겠다고 답했다. '반드시 투표' 66.1%, '가급적 투표' 17.7%였다. 반면 '별로 투표할 생각 없음' 6.0%, '전혀 투표할 생각 없음' 8.0%였다. 권역별 투표 의향은 동남권 85.4%, 서남권 84.1%, 천안시 83.6%, 아산·당진시 82.3%였다. 전 권역에서 투표 의향층은 80%를 넘었다. 연령별로는 60대가 91.3%로 가장 높았고, 50대 89.7%, 70세 이상 88.9%, 40대 88.3% 순이었다. 뒤이어 30대는 72.5%, 만 18~29세 63.1%였다. 이번 여론조사는 휴대전화 가상(안심)번호를 무작위로 추출해 자동응답조사(ARS)방식으로 진행됐다. 표본오차는 95% 신뢰수준에 ±3.5%p, 응답률은 8.2%다. 2026년 4월 말 행정안전부 주민등록 인구를 기준으로 성별, 연령별, 지역별 가중치(림가중)를 적용했다. 자세한 사항은 중앙선거여론조사심의위원회 홈페이지를 참조하면 된다. oneway@newspim.com 2026-05-21 05:00
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