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※ 번역할 언어 선택

Chairman Ben S. Bernanke
At the ACCIÓN Texas Summit on Microfinance in the United States, San Antonio, Texas
November 6, 2007

Microfinance in the United States

Last month I had the pleasure of meeting with someone very well known to this audience but not so well known to Americans generally: Dr. Muhammad Yunus. Perhaps more than any other individual, Dr. Yunus inspired the movement that has become known as microfinance. In 1976, Dr. Yunus founded the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, which became one of the pioneers of the concept of offering small loans to people deemed too poor or insufficiently creditworthy to qualify for traditional bank loans.

The organization and the larger movement it helped spawn have financed the entrepreneurial aspirations of many thousands of people. The great majority of those who have benefited from Grameen Bank loans have been women, particularly poor rural women. Microfinance has offered borrowers, in Dr. Yunus's words, "a fair chance to unleash their energy and creativity" (Yunus, 2006). His innovative thinking and dedication to poverty relief through the extension of credit were honored in 2006 by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize. And the movement itself was recognized when the United Nations declared 2005 to be the International Year of Microcredit.1

The microfinance, or microcredit, movement has spread throughout the world--to other parts of Asia, Africa, Latin America, and, more recently, to the United States. Although the social and economic contexts differ widely across countries, the fundamental purpose of microfinance programs remains the same: to offer small loans and other financial services to low-income people to help them increase their incomes through entrepreneurship and self-employment.

Acción Texas has been an exemplar of the movement in the United States. I am very pleased to speak at your summit meeting today for many reasons, not the least of which is the opportunity to visit again with Janie Barrera, the president of Acción Texas. I had the pleasure of working with Janie when she was a member of the Federal Reserve Board's Consumer Advisory Council, which has been an invaluable resource for the Board over the years on all aspects of consumer protection regulation and community development initiatives. Soon after I became a member of the Board in 2002, Janie collaborated with the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas to invite me and one of my fellow Board members, Susan Bies, to Brownsville, Texas. We toured local housing and community development projects and visited a small business that had gotten its start with the help of a microloan from Acción Texas.

In the remainder of my remarks I will speak about the development of the microfinance movement in the United States, putting it into an international context and discussing as well how it fits into the broader landscape of small business financing in this country. I will close with some thoughts on the challenges facing the U.S. movement as it continues to grow and mature.

The Development of the U.S. Microfinance Movement
Although the United States came relatively late to the microfinance movement, experimentation in the 1980s and 1990s laid the groundwork for the lively network of programs we see today. Acción has been at the forefront of the development of microfinance in the United States. Acción International began its microlending activities in Latin America in 1961 and established an affiliate organization in the United States, Acción USA, in 1991. Over the years, the U.S. Acción network has grown to become one of the country's largest microfinance providers. Since its founding, the U.S. Acción network has loaned $180 million to nearly 20,000 borrowers in thirty-five states.2

Of course, the operational details of U.S. microfinance programs differ significantly from those in overseas programs, but as I mentioned, they share similar goals and core values. As it does in developing countries, the microfinance movement in the United States seeks to expand economic opportunities for individuals and to foster community economic development by providing small loans and other business services to people who have been traditionally underserved by mainstream financial institutions. Loan features--including size, collateral requirements, and repayment terms--are typically more flexible than those of standard bank loans and are tailored to the needs of low- and moderate-income entrepreneurs.

In the United States, however, credit is only one part of the microfinance package. To a greater extent than overseas, microfinance programs here have expanded their offerings to deliver education, training, and various other services to nascent entrepreneurs. The goals of these supplemental activities are twofold: to improve the survival rate of the borrowers' start-up businesses and to mitigate credit risks for the lender. Several factors have driven the U.S. microfinance industry to diversify beyond simply lending. The complexity of the U.S. market for financial services requires greater financial management skills than are typically needed in developing countries. Here, even very small businesses are likely to have to deal with factors--such as taxes, licenses, and zoning laws--that can prove daunting hurdles to the inexperienced, aspiring business owner (Assanie and Virmani, 2006). By contrast, entrepreneurs in developing countries tend to operate in the informal sector, often out of the sight of regulators and tax authorities. Yet another difference between the U.S. context and that of the developing world is that, in the United States, aspiring entrepreneurs may have access to alternative sources of credit. Although they may not be able to obtain traditional small business loans, some can qualify for credit cards, home equity credit lines, or other alternatives to microcredit, whereas many of Grameen Bank's clients in Bangladesh, for example, have no such alternatives. Thus, while lending remains a very important part of U.S. microfinance programs, it is not as central to the broader mission as is typically the case in the developing world.

In helping local enterprises get under way, microfinance organizations help deliver the social benefits often associated with such businesses. For example, microentrepreneurs often involve their family members in their businesses, providing them valuable work experience; and extra income can confer important advantages on future generations, such as a chance for a better education. In addition, entrepreneurs may benefit communities and local economies in multiple ways, as this story of a woman who resides in one of Houston's poorest neighborhoods illustrates. Observing the lack of grocery stores in her community, she approached Acción Texas for funds to open a small organic food store and restaurant. With the help of the microloan, she created a viable business while also improving the options for food shopping in her community. She also provides various services, including neighborhood cooking classes that promote healthy eating habits.

The Place of Microfinance in the Landscape of Small Business Finance
Although comprehensive data on U.S. microfinance as a whole is scarce, many U.S. microfinance institutions measure and track their own performance. Acción Texas, for instance, reports that it loaned $42 million between 1994 and 2005. It estimates that those loans created 982 new jobs and generated about $78 million in economic activity (including earnings of about $25 million and local tax revenue of $4.5 million).3 Thus, despite gaps in the aggregate data, we can get some sense of how microfinance fits into the overall picture of small business finance.

Small businesses, generally defined as firms having fewer than 500 employees, have always played a vital role in the U.S. economy. Together, they employ more than half of private-sector workers and produce more than half of private-sector output (Board of Governors, 2007). The enterprises that microlenders finance are, of course, the very smallest of small businesses, but such firms make up a substantial share of the U.S. small business sector: 20 percent of small businesses in the United States have only one individual working in the firm, and 40 percent have two to four people working. Among these smaller firms, nearly 25 percent were founded or acquired by a new owner within the past four years.

Thus microenterprises not only provide a path to economic self-reliance for owner-entrepreneurs and benefit their local communities, but they are also important for the economy as a whole. There is some truth to the popular image of the successful firm which had its beginnings in someone's garage. Microenterprises can grow into small businesses, and small businesses can grow into large firms. Thus, microfinance plays the role of business incubator by compensating for the difficulties faced by very small firms and startups in obtaining credit from established financial intermediaries. These difficulties arise because lending to small businesses is typically considered riskier and more costly than lending to larger firms. Small businesses are often more susceptible to changes in the broader economy and generally have a much higher rate of failure than larger operations, although the survival rate of small firms increases with age (Knaup, 2005).Collateral may be used to help mitigate the risk to lenders, but the smallest and youngest firms often have few assets available to pledge. Besides being riskier, lending to small firms can be more expensive. It costs more per dollar loaned both to evaluate their credit applications and to monitor their ongoing performance. Many small businesses lack detailed balance sheets and other financial information used by underwriters in making lending decisions. And the small firm does not issue publicly traded debt or other securities whose values in the marketplace serve as a signal of its profit expectations.

Of course, despite these challenges, many smaller businesses do manage to obtain the credit and capital they need. Community banks, which rely on personal relationships and knowledge of the local market to assess credit risks, have long been a source of funding for small business. The development of more-sophisticated techniques in small business loan underwriting, including the use of credit scoring, has helped make small business lending more attractive to larger institutions as well (Cowan and Cowan, 2006). And research demonstrates that internal finance--that is, financing from the personal resources of owners, family, friends, and business associates--can help offset a lack of access to capital and is crucial to both new and established small enterprises (Rosen, 1998; Holtz-Eakin, Joulfaian, and Rosen, 1994a,b). For some potential low-income entrepreneurs, however, none of these options is feasible. Microfinance was designed to bridge this gap.

The Future of Microfinance in the United States
As I have emphasized, microenterprise development programs in the United States are about much more than the extension of credit, though access to credit remains a central concern. Many programs take a holistic approach, offering interconnected services that complement lending activities and are targeted at entrepreneurs at each stage of business development. Services being offered include up-front business training; specialized technical assistance; mentoring programs; sector-specific advice and support; networking opportunities; coordinated sales and marketing programs; and the development of formal links with banks, local community colleges, and other institutions (Edgcomb and Klein, 2005). Of course, many start-up businesses don't make it; that's an inescapable aspect of the risks that small business entrepreneurs face. But the services provided by microenterprise programs offer borrowers a strong foundation in the fundamentals of running a business and give their businesses a better chance to grow and flourish in a competitive marketplace.

These services benefit the lender by making the borrowers more creditworthy, but providing these services to budding entrepreneurs is labor intensive and requires considerable expertise. Because microfinance clients are rarely able to pay for these services, the costs have generally been underwritten by philanthropic efforts and public-private partnerships. Whether U.S. microfinance programs can become financially self-sustaining is a key question for the future.

Currently, microenterprise organizations are experimenting with business models in the effort to promote self-sustainability. Some are trying to enhance their profitability by offering a wider array of fee-based services, such as check cashing and the facilitation of remittances. Others have turned to technology to reduce their costs. Acción USA, for instance, has reduced transaction, underwriting, and servicing costs through an Internet lending initiative.4 It has also reduced its training costs through online and distance-learning courses. Another web-based effort, MicroMentor, matches inexperienced entrepreneurs with more experienced businesspeople, thereby providing important assistance to new business owners at a relatively low cost (http://www.micromentor.org/ Leaving the Board). The Association for Enterprise Opportunity, the principal trade association for microenterprise programs, serves as a forum for learning about innovations, developments, and best practices in this field (http://www.microenterpriseworks.org/ Leaving the Board).

Another promising avenue for the future of microfinance is the development of more partnerships with mainstream banking institutions. Mainstream banks typically don't offer the array of supportive services found at microlenders. But by partnering with a microlender that incubates very small businesses, mainstream institutions can gain new customers when the borrowers "graduate" from the microfinance program and seek larger loans. And these new customers will be more creditworthy borrowers because of the early support they received from the microfinance organization. Acción Texas and other microfinance organizations have established several mutually beneficial partnerships with large banking institutions. Such partnerships serve as two-way referral systems between the microlenders and large banks and help break down the barriers between mainstream institutions and underserved entrepreneurs.

Conclusion
To sum up, I want to affirm the important role that microfinance plays in bringing the opportunity for entrepreneurship to people who otherwise might not have it. Although some businesses will inevitably fall by the wayside, those that flourish and grow are likely to have better management and better long-term prospects than they would have without the support of microenterprise programs. Successful microbusinesses provide jobs as well as valuable products and services to their communities. Not least important, they can provide economic independence and self-reliance for the owner-entrepreneurs. The full benefits of this movement are difficult to calculate. Indeed, one important challenge for the future is to find ways to better measure the impact and cost effectiveness of microfinance programs. What is clear is that the microfinance movement has grown and adapted considerably during its short history in the United States. I hope that microfinance organizations will sustain their energetic spirit of innovation and experimentation as they strive to become more self-sufficient and adapt to our ever-changing economy.



References

Assanie, Laila, and Raghav Virmani (2006). "Incubating Microfinance: The Texas Border Experience," Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, Southwest Economy (September/October), pp. 3-7.

Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System (2007). Report to the Congress on the Availability of Credit to Small Businesses. Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, October.

Carr, James H., and Zhong Yi Tong, eds. (2002). Replicating Microfinance in the United States. Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press.

Cowan, Charles D., and Adrian M. Cowan (2006). "A Survey-Based Assessment of Financial Institution Use of Credit Scoring for Small Business Lending (690 KB PDF)." Washington: U.S. Small Business Administration, Office of Advocacy, November.

Edgcomb, Elaine L., and Joyce A. Klein (2005). "Opening Opportunities, Building Ownership: Fulfilling the Promise of Microenterprise in the United States." Leaving the BoardWashington: Microenterprise Fund for Innovation, Effectiveness, Learning and Development (FIELD) at the Aspen Institute, February, www.fieldus.org/Projects/MovingForward.html.

Holtz-Eakin, Douglas, David Joulfaian, and Harvey S. Rosen (1994a). "Entrepreneurial Decisions and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board RAND Journal of Economics, vol. 24 (Summer), pp. 334-47.

_________ (1994b). "Sticking It Out: Entrepreneurial Survival and Liquidity Constraints," Leaving the Board Journal of Political Economy, vol. 102 (February), pp. 53-75.

Knaup, Amy E. (2005). "Survival and Longevity in the Business Employment Dynamics Data," Monthly Labor Review, vol. 128 (May), pp. 50-56.

Rosen, Harvey S. (1998). "The Future of Entrepreneurial Finance," Leaving the Board Journal of Banking and Finance, vol. 22 (August), pp. 1105-07.

Yunus, Muhammad (2006). "Nobel Lecture," Leaving the Board acceptance speech delivered at the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony, Oslo, December 10, www.nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates.

Footnotes

1. Additional information is available on the United Nations website, "International Year of Microcredit," www.yearofmicrocredit.org. Leaving the Board

2. Acción USA, About Us: Our Impact, Leaving the Board www.accionusa.org/site/c.lvKVL9MUIsG/b.1388811/k.46F7/ACCIONs_Impact_on_Small_Businesses.htm.

3. Acción Texas, "Economic and Community Impact of Acción Texas, 1994-2005," Leaving the Board www.acciontexas.org/economic_impact_report.php.

4. Acción USA, Get a Loan Leaving the Board, https://secure.accionusa.org.

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유시민 "李대통령 국민 속여" 靑 "왜곡" [서울=뉴스핌] 박찬제 기자 = 청와대는 24일 현 정부의 검찰개혁을 두고 유시민 작가가 '이재명 대통령이 국민을 속였다'는 취지로 발언한 것에 대해 "대통령의 검찰개혁 의지를 사실과 다르게 왜곡하는 것에 유감"이라고 밝혔다. 청와대는 이날 언론공지를 통해 "근거 없는 비난성 주장이 계속되는 것에 대해 사실 관계를 확인 중"이라며 이같이 밝혔다. 그러면서 청와대는 유 작가에 대해 법적 대응을 검토 중이라는 일부 언론 보도에 "법적 대응 여부는 결정된 바 없다"고 선을 그었다. 청와대 전경 [사진=뉴스핌 DB] 유 작가는 지난 22일 미디어오늘 유튜브 방송에 출연해 "이 대통령이 생각한 검찰 개혁은 우리가 생각한 검찰 개혁, 더불어민주당 입장, 대통령의 공약이라고 얘기했던 것과는 완전히 다른 것이었다"며 "대통령이 지금까지 국민을 속인 것"이라고 주장했다. 이 대통령은 지난 18일 기자회견에서 "검찰 개혁은 수사와 기소를 분리하는 게 목표다. 원래 최대치의 검찰 개혁의 목표는 이랬다. '검사들이 수사를 담당하는 검사, 기소 즉 소추를 담당하는 검사를 분리해서 수사하는 검사가 기소 역할을 겸하지 못하게 하자', '그리고 이걸 분리해서 법무부 안에 수사 담당하는 기관, 소추 담당하는 기관을 나누자' 이거였다"고 말한 바 있다. 유 작가는 당시 이 대통령의 기자회견 발언을 두고 '대통령이 이제까지 국민을 속인 것'이라는 취지로 주장한 것이다.  유 작가는 "이 대통령은 법무부 안에 '수사를 하는 검찰'과 '기소를 하는 검찰'을 나누는 것이 원래 검찰 개혁의 최대치라고 말했다. 이를 보면서 충격을 받았다"며 "저는 단 한 번도 그런 말을 들어본 적이 없었다"고도 주장했다. pcjay@newspim.com 2026-09-24 18:31
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美법원, CNN 등 출입 복원 명령 [시드니=뉴스핌] 권지언 특파원 = 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 CNN과 MS NOW, 폴리티코 등 3개 언론사의 백악관 출입을 금지한 조치에 대해 미 연방법원이 제동을 걸었다. 24일(현지시각) 법원은 해당 언론사 기자들의 출입증을 즉시 복원하도록 명령했고, 백악관은 오전 한때 기자들의 출입이 계속 제한되는 혼선이 빚어진 뒤 이날 정오께 출입을 재허용했다. ◆ 美법원 "출입증 취소, 적법절차 위반 가능성"…백악관 결국 복원 미 워싱턴DC 연방법원의 팀 켈리 판사는 CNN과 MS NOW, 폴리티코가 트럼프 행정부를 상대로 제기한 소송에서 이들 언론사 기자들의 백악관 출입증을 즉시 복원하도록 명령했다. 이번 임시명령은 14일간 효력이 유지된다. 켈리 판사는 백악관이 기자들의 출입증을 취소한 조치가 헌법상 적법절차 권리를 침해했을 가능성이 높다고 판단했다. 또 출입 금지를 정당화하기 위해 행정부가 제시한 국가안보 논리에 대해서도 의문을 제기했다. 법원 결정문에서 켈리 판사는 출입증 취소가 실제로 국가안보를 보호할 것이라는 주장에 충분한 사실적 근거가 없다고 지적했다. 켈리 판사는 트럼프 대통령이 2017년 첫 임기 당시 지명한 판사다. 법원의 복원 명령이 나온 뒤에도 한때 세 언론사 기자들의 백악관 출입이 제한됐다. 이에 CNN과 MS NOW, 폴리티코는 법원에 긴급 심리를 요청했다. 폴리티코는 자사 기자의 출입증이 압수됐다고 밝혔고, CNN과 MS NOW 기자들도 백악관 출입을 거부당했다고 전했다. 백악관 언론운영 담당 책임자인 마이카 스토퍼리치는 법원에 제출한 서류에서 백악관이 오전 7시25분부터 기자들의 출입증 복구 절차에 들어갔으며, 오전 9시55분께 백악관 언론팀이 출입구에 출입증을 가져다 놓았다고 밝혔다. 이후 세 언론사 기자들의 백악관 출입은 이날 정오께 재개됐다. ◆ 트럼프 "허구·거짓말"…시진핑 방미 당일 TV 풀 취재도 중단 트럼프 대통령은 지난 18일 소셜미디어를 통해 CNN과 MS NOW, 폴리티코가 대통령을 취재하면서 "허구와 거짓말"을 끊임없이 보도하고 있다며 백악관 출입을 금지했다. 트럼프 대통령은 해당 조치를 국가안보 문제와 연결했다. 법무부 역시 이들 언론사의 일부 보도가 국가안보를 위협한다고 주장하면서 미사일 비축량과 백악관 무도회장 건설 등에 관한 보도를 사례로 들었다. 반면 세 언론사는 출입 금지 조치가 미국 수정헌법 제1조가 보장하는 언론의 자유와 적법절차 권리를 침해한다며 소송을 제기했다. 켈리 판사는 현재 기록만으로는 출입증 취소가 국가안보 보호에 필요했다는 행정부의 주장을 뒷받침할 충분한 근거가 없다고 판단했다. 이번 사태는 트럼프 대통령이 유엔총회 참석과 시진핑 중국 국가주석의 백악관 방문 등 주요 외교 일정을 소화하는 가운데 발생했다. CNN은 ABC, CBS, FOX뉴스, NBC와 함께 백악관 TV 풀을 구성하는 5개 언론사 중 하나다. TV 풀은 대통령 관련 취재를 분담하고 촬영 영상을 다른 언론사에 제공한다. CNN 등에 대한 출입 금지 이후 TV 풀에 참여하는 언론사들은 CNN과의 연대 차원에서 공동 취재를 중단했다. 이에 따라 시 주석이 목요일 오전 백악관 사우스론에 도착했을 당시 TV 풀 카메라가 설치되지 않았고, FOX뉴스와 MS NOW, CNN은 두 정상의 도착 행사를 생중계하지 않았다. 트럼프 대통령은 이날 백악관 집무실에서 시 주석을 환영하면서 사진기자들을 향해 중국 기자들이 가장 우호적인 언론인들이라는 취지의 농담을 하기도 했다. 한편 켈리 판사의 결정은 트럼프 대통령이 또 다른 언론 관련 소송에서 법적 차질을 겪은 지 하루 만에 나왔다. 아이오와주 법원은 전날 트럼프 대통령이 2024년 대선을 앞두고 발표된 여론조사와 관련해 디모인 레지스터 신문과 여론조사 전문가 J. 앤 셀저 등을 상대로 제기한 소송을 기각했다. 스콧 비티 아이오와 지방법원 판사는 해당 여론조사가 법적으로 보호되는 표현에 해당한다고 판단했다. 9월 24일(현지시각) CNN 백악관 특파원 베시 클라인이 출입 복원을 명령한 법원의 결정에 따라 출입 권한을 되찾은 후 백악관에서 취재 업무를 하고 있다. [사진=로이터 뉴스핌] kwonjiun@newspim.com 2026-09-25 07:14
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