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가이트너 美재무, 구제안 발표 연설 (영문)

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Secretary Geithner Introduces Financial Stability Plan

Remarks by Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner
Introducing the Financial Stability Plan
Tuesday, February 10, 2009

As prepared for delivery

As President Obama said in his inaugural address, our economic strength is derived from "the doers, the makers of things."

The innovators who create and expand enterprises; the workers who provide life to companies; this is what drives economic growth.

The financial system is central to this process. Banks and the credit markets transform the earnings and savings of American workers into the loans that finance a first home, a new car or a college education. And this system provides the capital and credit necessary to build a company around a new idea.

Without credit, economies cannot grow at their potential, and right now, critical parts of our financial system are damaged. The credit markets that are essential for small businesses and consumers are not working. Borrowing costs have risen sharply for state and local governments, for students trying to pay for college, and for businesses large and small. Many banks are reducing lending, and across the country they are tightening the terms of loans.

Last Friday we learned that the economy had lost three million jobs last year, and an additional 600,000 just last month. As demand falls and credit tightens, businesses around the world are cutting back the investments that are essential to future growth. Trade among nations has contracted sharply, as trade finance has dried up. Home prices are still falling, as foreclosures rise and even credit worthy borrowers are finding it harder to finance the purchase of a first home, or refinance their mortgage.

Instead of catalyzing recovery, the financial system is working against recovery. And at the same time, the recession is putting greater pressure on banks. This is a dangerous dynamic, and we need to arrest it. It is essential for every American to understand that the battle for economic recovery must be fought on two fronts. We have to both jumpstart job creation and private investment, and we must get credit flowing again to businesses and families.

Without a powerful Economic Recovery Act, too many Americans will lose their jobs and too many businesses will fail. And unless we restore the flow of credit, the recession will be deeper and longer, causing even more damage to families and businesses across the country.

Today, as Congress moves to pass an economic recovery plan that will help create jobs and lay a foundation for stronger economic future, we are outlining a new Financial Stability Plan.

Our plan will help restart the flow of credit, clean up and strengthen our banks, and provide critical aid for homeowners and for small businesses. As we do each of these things, we will impose new, higher standards for transparency and accountability.

I am going to outline the key elements of this program today. But before I do that, I want to explain how we got here. The causes of the crisis are many and complex. They accumulated over time, and will take time to resolve.

Governments and central banks around the world pursued policies that, with the benefit of hindsight, caused a huge global boom in credit, pushing up housing prices and financial markets to levels that defied gravity.

Investors and banks took risks they did not understand. Individuals, businesses, and governments borrowed beyond their means. The rewards that went to financial executives departed from any realistic appreciation of risk.

There were systematic failures in the checks and balances in the system, by Boards of Directors, by credit rating agencies, and by government regulators. Our financial system operated with large gaps in meaningful oversight, and without sufficient constraints to limit risk. Even institutions that were overseen by our complicated, overlapping system of multiple regulators put themselves in a position of extreme vulnerability.

These failures helped lay the foundation for the worst economic crisis in generations.

When the crisis began, governments around the world were too slow to act. When action came, it was late and inadequate. Policy was always behind the curve, always chasing the escalating crisis. As the crisis intensified and more dramatic government action was required, the emergency actions meant to provide confidence and reassurance too often added to public anxiety and to investor uncertainty.

The dramatic failure or near-failure of some of the world's largest financial institutions, and the lack of clear criteria and conditions applied to government interventions caused investors to pull back from taking risk. Last fall, as the global crisis intensified, Congress acted quickly and courageously to provide emergency authority to help contain the damage. The government used that authority to pull the financial system back from the edge of catastrophic failure.

The actions your government took were absolutely essential, but they were inadequate.

The force of government support was not comprehensive or quick enough to withstand the deepening pressure brought on by the weakening economy. The spectacle of huge amounts of taxpayer assistance being provided to the same institutions that help caused the crisis, with limited transparency and oversight, added to public distrust. This distrust turned to anger as Boards of Directors at some institutions continued to award rich compensation packages and lavish perks to their senior executives.

Our challenge is much greater today because the American people have lost faith in the leaders of our financial institutions, and are skeptical that their government has – to this point -- used taxpayers' money in ways that will benefit them. This has to change.

To get credit flowing again, to restore confidence in our markets, and restore the faith of the American people, we are fundamentally reshaping the government's program to repair the financial system.

Our work will be guided by the lessons of the last few months and the lessons of financial crisis throughout history. The basic principles that will shape our strategy are the following:

We believe that the policy response has to be comprehensive, and forceful. There is more risk and greater cost in gradualism than in aggressive action.

We believe that action has to be sustained until recovery is firmly established. In the United States in the 30s, Japan in the 90s, and in other cases around the world, previous crises lasted longer and caused greater damage because governments applied the brakes too early. We cannot make that mistake.

We believe that access to public support is a privilege, not a right. When our government provides support to banks, it is not for the benefit of banks, it is for the businesses and families who depend on banks… and for the benefit of the country. Government support must come with strong conditions to protect the tax payer and with transparency that allows the American people to see the impact of those investments.

We believe our policies must be designed to mobilize and leverage private capital, not to supplant or discourage private capital. When government investment is necessary, it should be replaced with private capital as soon as possible.

We believe that the United States has to send a clear and consistent signal that we will act to prevent the catastrophic failure of financial institutions that would damage the broader economy.

Guided by these principles, we will replace the current program with a new Financial Stability Plan to stabilize and repair the financial system, and support the flow of credit necessary for recovery.

This new Financial Stability Plan will take a comprehensive approach. The

Department of the Treasury, the Federal Reserve, the FDIC, and all the financial agencies in our country will bring the full force of the United States Government to bear to strengthen our financial system so that we get the economy back on track.

We have different authorities, instruments and responsibilities, but we are one government serving the American people, and I will do everything in my power to ensure that we act as one.

Our work begins with a new framework of oversight and governance of all aspects of our Financial Stability Plan.

The American people will be able to see where their tax dollars are going and the return on their government's investment, they will be able to see whether the conditions placed on banks and institutions are being met and enforced, they will be able to see whether boards of directors are being responsible with taxpayer dollars and how they're compensating their executives, and they will be able to see how these actions are impacting the overall flow of lending and the cost of borrowing.

These new requirements, which will be available on a new website FinancialStability.gov, will give the American people the transparency they deserve.

These steps build on what we've done already. We've acted to ensure the integrity of the process that provides access to government support, so that it is independent of influence from lobbyists and politics. We've committed to provide the American people with information on how their money is spent and under what conditions by posting contracts on the Internet. And, importantly, we have outlined strong conditions on executive compensation.

Under this framework, we are establishing three new programs to clean up and strengthen the nation's banks, bring in private capital to restart lending, and to go around the banking system directly to the markets that consumers and businesses depend on.

Let me describe each of these steps:

First, we're going to require banking institutions to go through a carefully designed comprehensive stress test, to use the medical term. We want their balance sheets cleaner, and stronger. And we are going to help this process by providing a new program of capital support for those institutions which need it.

To do this, we are going to bring together the government agencies with authority over our nation's major banks and initiate a more consistent, realistic, and forward looking assessment about the risk on balance sheets, and we're going to introduce new measures to improve disclosure.

Those institutions that need additional capital will be able to access a new funding mechanism that uses funds from the Treasury as a bridge to private capital. The capital will come with conditions to help ensure that every dollar of assistance is used to generate a level of lending greater than what would have been possible in the absence of government support. And this assistance will come with terms that should encourage the institutions to replace public assistance with private capital as soon as that is possible.

The Treasury's investments in these institutions will be placed in a new Financial Stability Trust.

Second, alongside this new Financial Stability Trust, together with the Fed, the FDIC, and the private sector, we will establish a Public-Private Investment Fund. This program will provide government capital and government financing to help leverage private capital to help get private markets working again. This fund will be targeted to the legacy loans and assets that are now burdening many financial institutions.

By providing the financing the private markets cannot now provide, this will help start a market for the real estate related assets that are at the center of this crisis. Our objective is to use private capital and private asset managers to help provide a market mechanism for valuing the assets.

We are exploring a range of different structures for this program, and will seek input from market participants and the public as we design it. We believe this program should ultimately provide up to one trillion in financing capacity, but we plan to start it on a scale of $500 billion, and expand it based on what works.

Third, working jointly with the Federal Reserve, we are prepared to commit up to a trillion dollars to support a Consumer and Business Lending Initiative. This initiative will kickstart the secondary lending markets, to bring down borrowing costs, and to help get credit flowing again.

In our financial system, 40 percent of consumer lending has historically been available because people buy loans, put them together and sell them. Because this vital source of lending has frozen up, no financial recovery plan will be successful unless it helps restart securitization markets for sound loans made to consumers and businesses – large and small.

This lending program will be built on the Federal Reserve's Term Asset Backed Securities Loan Facility, announced last November, with capital from the Treasury and financing from the Federal Reserve.

We have agreed to expand this program to target the markets for small business lending, student loans, consumer and auto finance, and commercial mortgages.

And because small businesses are so important to our economy, we're going to take additional steps to make it easier for them to get credit from community banks and large banks. By increasing the federally guaranteed portion of SBA loans, and giving more power to the SBA to expedite loan approvals, we believe we can turn around the dramatic decline in SBA lending we have seen in recent months.

Finally, we will launch a comprehensive housing program. Millions of Americans have lost their homes, and millions more live with the risk that they will be unable to meet their payments or refinance their mortgages.

Many of these families borrowed beyond their means. But many others fell victim to terrible lending practices that left them exposed, overextended, and with no way to refinance. On top of that, homeowners around the country are seeing the value of their homes fall because of forces they did not create and cannot control. This crisis in housing has had devastating consequences, and our government should have moved more forcefully to limit the damage.

As house prices fall, demand for housing will increase, and conditions will ultimately find a new balance. But now, we risk an intensifying spiral in which lenders foreclose, pushing house prices lower and reducing the value of household savings, and making it harder for all families to refinance.

The President has asked his economic team to come together with a comprehensive plan to address the housing crisis. We will announce the details of this plan in the next few weeks.

Our focus will be on using the full resources of the government to help bring down mortgage payments and to reduce mortgage interest rates. We will do this with a substantial commitment of resources already authorized by the Congress under the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act.

Let me add that as we go forward, President Obama is committed to moving quickly to reform our entire system of financial regulation so that we never again face a crisis of this severity.

We are consulting closely with Chairman Chris Dodd in the Senate, Chairman Barney Frank in the House, and their colleagues on both sides of the aisle on the broad outline of a comprehensive program of reforms. The President's Working Group on Financial Markets is developing detailed recommendations.

And we will begin working closely with the world's leading economies on a set of broader reforms to the international financial system in preparation for the G-20 Summit in London on April 2nd.

The success of our financial stability plan is going to require an unprecedented level of cooperation, here in the United States and around the world. Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, FDIC Chair Sheila Bair, John Dugan, the Comptroller of the Currency, and John Reich the head of the Office of Thrift Supervision, are here today. I want to thank them for helping to shape this plan, and their commitment to making it work.

This program will require a substantial and sustained commitment of public resources. Congress has already authorized substantial resources for this effort, and we will use those resources as carefully and effectively as possible. We will consult closely with Congress as we move forward, and work together to make sure we have the resources and the authority to make this program work.

Later this week, I will be traveling to meet with the G7 finance ministers and central bank governors in Italy. There, I'll start the process of working with our international partners to ensure that we're working together to strengthen recovery and to help stabilize and repair the global financial system.

And we will work closely with the leadership of the IMF and World Bank so that they can deploy resources quickly to help those countries around the world that are most at risk from this crisis.

Many of the programs I've just discussed involve large numbers. But it is important to recognize that these programs involve loans, guarantees, and investments with terms and conditions that protect taxpayers and help compensate the government for risk. Because of these terms and conditions, the risk to taxpayers will be less than the headline.

Our obligation is to design the programs so that we are achieving the largest benefit in terms of supporting recovery at least cost to the taxpayer. And we take that obligation extremely seriously.

But I want to be candid: this strategy will cost money, involve risk, and take time. As costly as this effort may be, we know that the cost of a complete collapse of our financial system would be incalculable for families, for businesses and for our nation.

We will have to adapt our program as conditions change. We will have to try things we've never tried before. We will make mistakes. We will go through periods in which things get worse and progress is uneven or interrupted.

We will be guided by the principles of transparency and accountability, dedicated to the goals of restoring credit to families and businesses, and committed to moving our nation towards an economic recovery that is as swift and widespread as possible.

This is a challenge more complex than any our financial system has ever faced, requiring new programs and persistent attention to solve. But the President, the Treasury and the entire Administration are committed to see it through because we know how directly the future of our economy depends on it.

Thank you.

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스키즈, K팝 첫 美 빌보드 8연속 정상 [서울=뉴스핌] 최문선 기자 =테이프 '두 잇'(SKZ IT TAPE 'DO IT')'으로 미국 빌보드 메인 앨범차트 '빌보드 200'에서 1위를 차지하며, K팝 최초 '빌보드 200' 8연속 1위라는 기록을 세웠다. 30일(현지시간) 공개된 빌보드의 차트 예고 기사에 따르면, 이번 앨범은 12월 6일 자 '빌보드 200'에서 정상을 차지했다. [서울=뉴스핌] 류기찬 기자 = 빌보드 200 8연속 1위를 차지한 그룹 스트레이 키즈. ryuchan0925@newspim.com 이로써 스트레이 키즈는 자체 기록이었던 K팝 최초 7연속 1위를 넘어, 통산 8연속 1위를 달성하게 됐다. 스트레이 키즈는 2022년 3월 미니 6집 '오디너리'를 시작으로 미니 7집 '맥시던트', 정규 3집 '★★★★★(5-STAR)', 미니 8집 '락스타', 미니 9집 '에이트', 스페셜 앨범 '스키즈합 힙테이프 - 합(SKZHOP HIPTAPE - 合 (HOP))', 그리고 지난 8월 발표한 정규 4집 '카르마'까지 연이어 '빌보드 200' 1위를 차지하며 막강한 글로벌 영향력을 입증해왔다. 1956년 3월 시작된 '빌보드 200' 약 70년 역사에서, 첫 1위 진입 이후 여덟 작품을 연달아 정상에 올린 아티스트는 스트레이 키즈가 최초다. moonddo00@newspim.com 2025-12-01 10:53
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국힘 운명 걸린 2일 추경호 영장심사 [서울=뉴스핌] 이재창 정치전문기자 = 국민의힘이 오는 2일 당 진로의 중대한 분수령을 맞는다. 추경호 의원에 대한 법원의 구속 전 피의자 심문(영장실질심사) 결과에 따라 추 의원은 물론 당의 운명이 결정된다. 출구 없는 터널에 갇히느냐, 아니면 희망의 출구를 찾느냐는 영장 발부 여부에 달렸다.  구속영장이 발부되면 국민의힘은 내란 정당 프레임에 갇혀 사실상 생존을 걱정해야 하는 최대 위기를 맞게 된다. 내년 6월 지방선거 승리도 요원해진다. 반대로 영장이 기각되면 내란 정당 프레임에서 벗어나 비상계엄 이후 1년간 계속된 수세 국면에서 탈출할 수 있다. 대대적인 역공이 가능해져 지방선거에서 한판 승부를 겨뤄볼 수 있을 것으로 보인다. [서울=뉴스핌] 최지환 기자 = 장동혁 국민의힘 대표, 송언석 국민의힘 원내대표가 30일 오전 서울 서초구 서울고등검찰청 앞에서 열린 국민의힘 긴급의총에서 의원들과 구호를 외치고 있다. 2025.10.30 choipix16@newspim.com 추 의원의 구속 여부는 비상계엄 1년을 맞는 3일 새벽에 결정될 것으로 예상된다. 추 의원은 내란 중요임무 종사 혐의를 받고 있다. 윤석열 전 대통령의 내란에 협조했는지 여부다. 추 의원의 구속 여부에 중요한 정치적 의미가 부여되는 이유다. 추 의원 구속 여부에 따라 "국민의힘을 위헌 정당 해산으로 몰아가려는 내란몰이 정치공작"(추 의원)인지, 아니면 "의도적으로 (의원 총회) 장소를 변경한 것이 확인되면 내란의 중요 임무에 종사한 내란 공범"(정청래 더불어민주당 대표)인지가 가려지는 것이다. 적어도 정치적으로는 이런 해석이 가능하다. 법리적으로도 위헌 정당 해산에 무게가 실릴 수 있다. 그만큼 정치적 파장은 엄청나다. 구속 여부에 따라 민주당과 국민의힘 중 한 당은 심각한 정치적 타격을 받을 수밖에 없다. 따라서 여야 모두 촉각을 곤두세우고 있다. 이번 추 의원 영장 심사는 2023년 이재명 대통령(당시 민주당 대표) 건을 떠올리게 한다. 이 대통령은 백현동 개발사업 특혜와 쌍방울 대북 송금 의혹 등의 혐의로 체포동의안이 국회를 통과해 구속 심사를 받았다. 여기까지는 동의안이 국회를 통과해 영장 심사를 받는 추 의원과 닮은꼴이다. 당시 이 대통령에 대해 영장이 발부됐다면 이 대통령은 구속됐을 것이고 민주당은 심각한 위기에 빠졌을 것이다. 결과는 정반대였다. 이 대통령은 영장 기각으로 기사회생했고, 민주당도 살길을 찾았다. 추 의원과 국민의힘도 구속 여부에 따라 비슷한 수순을 밟을 것이다. 우선 추 의원에 대한 영장이 발부되면 국민의힘은 내란 정당 프레임에 갇히게 된다. 민주당은 국민의힘에 대해 대대적인 내란 정당 공세를 펼 것이다. 내란 정당 심판론은 민주당의 지방선거 전략이다. 국민의힘은 정당 해산이라는 최악의 위기를 맞을 수도 있다. 민주당은 위헌 정당 해산 심판 청구 카드를 만지작거리고 있다. 추 의원이 구속되면 당시 지도부에 속했던 국민의힘 의원들에 대한 수사가 확대될 가능성이 높다. 수사 대상에 오른 의원은 10여 명으로 알려져 있다. 이 중 일부도 사법 처리될 수 있다는 얘기가 나온다. 당내 갈등도 불거질 수 있다. 이미 비상계엄에 대한 사과와 반성을 놓고 이견이 표출되고 있다. 배현진, 김재섭 의원 등 소장파 의원은 당 지도부에 사과 메시지를 요구하고 이것이 받아들여지지 않으면 집단 행동에 나서겠다는 입장이다. 여기에는 20여 명 안팎이 참여할 것으로 전해졌다. 배 의원은 지난 29일 페이스북에 "진정 끊어야 할 윤석열 시대와는 절연하지 못하고 윤어게인, 신천지 비위를 맞추는 정당이 돼서는 절대로 절대로 내년 지방선거에서 유권자의 눈길조차 얻을 수 없다"며 "윤석열 시대와 절연해야 한다"고 말했다. 이런 와중에 당원 게시판(당게) 논란도 가열되고 있다. 당 지도부가 한동훈 전 대표를 겨냥한 당 게시판 논란에 대해 조사에 착수하겠다고 밝힌 데 따른 것이다. 한 전 대표는 "당을 퇴행시키려는 시도"라고 비판했다. 당게 논란과 사과 반성 메시지 불협화음이 맞물리면서 갈등이 심화할 가능성을 배제할 수 없다. 내란 정당 프레임에 갇히고 여기에 당내 갈등까지 겹치면 중도층 공략은 사실상 불가능해진다. 그렇지 않아도 각종 여론 조사에서 전국적으로 상당한 격차로 밀리는 것으로 나타나고 있다. 지방선거에서 참패할 가능성이 높아지는 것이다.  추 의원에 대한 영장이 기각되면 국민의힘은 내란 정당 프레임에서 벗어날 수 있다. 완전히 탈출하는 것은 아니지만 적어도 이 프레임은 동력이 떨어질 가능성이 높다. 민주당은 조희대 대법원장 등 사법부에 대한 공격에 나서겠지만 내란 정당 공세는 약해질 수밖에 없다. 국민의힘이 일단 기사회생할 수 있다. 국민의힘은 여권에 대한 대대적인 역공에 나설 것으로 보인다. 국민의힘은 3대 특검을 앞세운 민주당의 내란몰이가 입증됐다고 여권을 몰아세울 것으로 예상된다. 비상계엄에 대한 사과와 반성은 없던 일이 될 가능성이 높다. 당 지도부가 당내 갈등을 털어버리고 중도 공략에 나설 경우 지방선거 구도를 혼전 구도로 만들 여지도 없지 않다. 추 의원의 구속 여부가 적어도 연말 연초 정국의 향방을 결정하는 최대 변수가 될 것으로 보인다. 정국 주도권은 물론 지방선거 구도까지 좌우할 가능성이 높다. leejc@newspim.com 2025-12-01 06:00
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